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AN ACCOUNT 



OF A PART OF 



THE SUFFERINGS AND LOSSES 



JOLLET ALLEiT, 

A NATIVE OF LONDON. 

WITH A PREFACE AND NOTES 

BY 

MRS. FRANCES MARY STODDARD. 



REPEINTED FROM THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE MASSACHUSETTS 
HISTORICAL SOCEETT FOR FEBRUARY, 1878. 




BOSTON : 

FRANKLIN PRESS : RAND, AVERY, & CO. 

1883. 



9 



r 



NAREATIVE OF JOLLEY ALLEN, 

A NATIVE OF LONDON, ENGLAND. 



At a regular meeting of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, an application was presented for leave to copy a 
manuscript written by Jolley Allen in London, Eng., during 
1779 or 1780, giving an account of a part of his suffer- 
ings and losses in America. The sub-committee to whom 
this application was referred thought it best to print the 
manuscript ; and it appeared in vol. xvi. of the Proceedings 
of the Society, February, 1878. 

Mr. George Ticknor gave the manuscript to the society. 
It was given to him by the Hon. George W. Erving, at one 
time minister of the United States at the court of Spain ; 
it was found among his father's papers after his decease. 
George Erving and Sir William Pepperell were the execu- 
tors of Mr. Jolley Allen ; and he requested them, as soon as 
the times would permit, to bring his remains to Boston, New 
England, and bury him in the family tomb, under King's 
Chapel (Sabine's "History of the Loyalists"). I think his 
wisii was not complied with, and that his body still lies 
under St. John's Church, Wapping, London, where he was 
buried. 

Thomas H. C. Allen of Cincinnati, O., and other relatives 
of Mr. Allen, wishing for copies of the manuscript, and 



also to retain the original spelling, decided to reprint it ; 
having first consulted the Hon. Samuel A. Green, Ex- 
Mayor, Librarian of the Historical Society, who very cour- 
teously said there was no objection to our doing so. 

Jolley was the second son of Capt. Nathaniel Allen. He 
was born in London, Eng., about 1718, and was married in 
that city, in 1739, to Eleanor Warren, where they resided 
until 1754 or 1755, when they came to Boston; and he 
became one of the principal shop-keepers of the town. 

He advertised largely in " The Massachusetts Gazette " 
and "Boston News-Letter," "Boston Post-Boy" and "Ad- 
vertiser," also in " The Boston Evening Post " and " Boston 
Gazette," from 1763 to 1769. 

Some idea of the character and extent of his business 
may be formed by one or two advertisements appended to 
this book. His first shop, or store, was near the draw- 
bridge. He removed from there, in 1776, to a store midway 
between the governor's and Town House, and opposite the 
Heart and Crown (the sign of T. Fleet's printing-office), 
corner of Cornhill and Water Street, Boston. 

F. M. S. 

Eastertide, 1883. 



An Account of Part of the Sufferings and Losses of Jolley Allen,, 
a Native of London^ 

Who, with his family and a considerable property, went to reside at Bos- 
ton, in New England, in the year 1755 ; and, by Industry, had accumulated 
many thousand pounds sterling, in the space of twenty-two years he con- 
tinued there, untill this unhappy Eebellion broke out. 

And, being a man firmly attached to his native King and country, and 
hath now sacrificed his all, as will appear in the following pages, and that 
with the greatest Truth. 

Some time, I think, in the Month of October, 1772, I bought 
two chests of tea of Governor Hutchinson's two sons, Thomas 
and Elisha, at Boston, about eleven o'clock in the forenoon, and I 
thought it most prudent (for fear of being watched, as the custom 
of Boston is to shut up their Warehouses at one o'clock, and go 
on 'Change, and return about four o'clock in the afternoon) to 
leave them there untill two o'clock ; and, by agreement, Messrs. 
Hutchinson's apprentice waited there until that time to deliver 
them to one William Burke, that I ordered to go with his cart to 
their warehouse for the said two chests of tea, which he did, and 
brought them with him to my shop. And as he went to unload 
his cart of the above two chests of Tea, Mr. John Hancock's 
(now General Hancock) head-clerk, William Palphrey,* hap- 
pened to come by at the same time, and looking at the two chests 
of tea, and as he thought took the original numbers, but he hap- 
pened to be mistaken, for he took the East India marks instead of the 
Company's House number in London. I cannot look upon him in 
any other light than an informer, by one of the committee. Captain 
Dashwood,t coming to me in about half an hour afterwards, and 

* "William Palfrey, born in Boston, Feb. 24, 1741, became clerk to John 
Hancock in October, 1764; was appointed aide-de-camp to General "Washing- 
ton in March, 1776, and the next month was appointed paymaster-general of 
the army, which office he held until November, 1780, when he was unani- 
mously chosen by Congress consul-general to France. He sailed in Decem- 
ber; but the ship in which he embarked was never heard of afterward. He 
was an ardent patriot, and rendered conspicuous services in the struggle with 
the mother countrj'. A life of him by his distinguished grandson, John Gor- 
ham Palfrey, is in Sparks's American Biography, Second Series, vol. vii. • 
Eds. 

t Captain Dashwood was one of a committee appointed at a meeting of 
the merchants and traders of Boston, July 26, 1769, to examine the manifests 
of vessels which might arrive from England. He was probably the same per- 
son. Captain Samuel Dashwood, who died Feb. 15, 1792, aged sixty-five years, 
and was buried in the Granary Burial-Ground. — Eds. 



saying he had an information of two Chests of Tea comino- in my 
house about half an hour before ; that his business was to desii-e 
of me not to be out of the way, as the whole committee of the 
town of Boston was to wait of me about four o'clock that said af- 
ternoon. I beg leave to observe that when I hired William Burke 
I cautioned him, for fear of an accident, that if any inquiry should 
be made hereafter, that he must say he took the two chests of tea 
from off the Long Wharf, and that nobody was there ; but, to his 
surprise, looking about him, he saw a boat with men in it rowing 
towards a large ship in the streem, which he supposed had brouo-ht 
them two chests on shore from that Ship, and was rowing to the 
ship again ; which story he never deviated from, although he was 
often examined by the said committee and severely threatened by 
them. I was likewise several different times threatened with that 
diabolical punishment of being Tarred and Feathered, and under 
the disagreeable apprehension of the same for many Days after- 
wards, which no mortal can tell or describe the anxiety of mind I 
was in, and expected my house to be pulled down, and every thing 
distroyed. The said committee came to me about half after three 
o'clock, thinking to catch me unprepaired for their attack ; but 
Providence had ordered it so that I was ready to receive them, for 
I had cut the Ropes, and had taken off the outside coverings, so 
that no person could tell from whence they came or from where I 
had them. The committee coming to my door, I mett them and 
asked them their business ; they told me they came to know 
from whence I had the two chests of tea that came into my shop 
at two o'clock that day. I answered, if that was their business 
and had nothing further to say to me, they was welcome to walk in' 
I then received them in my Parlour. I asked them what their De- 
mand were upon those two chests of Tea ; they told me nothing 
further than to be shown the two chests of Tea. I then asked 
each of them if that would give them full satisfaction. They told 
me, upon a point of honor, it would, and they should have noth- 
mg more to say to me at present. I answered then upon honor 
that I would show them the same two chests of tea that came into 
my house that day at two o'clock. I accordingly went with them 
to my Store and opened the Door, and showed them the two chests 
of tea, which they all stood amazed at, saying that was not what 
they ment, though they before had given their words of honor I 
asked them where all theLi- honors lay. They told me they ment 



to see the two outside cases, where the marks lay, that they might 
be able to know from whence I bought them. I told them that 
did not belong to that point of honor they had all given me ; and told 
them I was surprised at that whole body which was the standing 
committee of the town of Boston should want to forfit their honors 
in so trifling an affair*, but still aggrevating the cause in wanting 
to see the two outside cases, which I granted by pointing to the 
same, saying, " There they lay, and I hope you are satisfied now." 
I verily believe the place where I pointed to with my finger, there 
lay between two and three hundred more of the same sort, and I 
left them to find them out, which point they soon gave up, saying 
that I had fairly outwitted them all, but they would watch my 
Waters well for the time to come ; which they did to the utmost of 
all their powers in every respect, and especially in striving to hurt 
me in my trade, which declined from that time. My stock in Eng- 
lish goods at that time was very great, being well sorted ; Cost me 
a great many Thousand Pounds Sterling, and my Trade dwindling 
away chiefly at last to friends of Government and the Army after 
this above tea affair, which was a great determent to me with 
so large a stock of English goods lying on my hands at that time ; 
but I still kept my house, and continued there untill and the whole 
Time of the blockaid of Boston. During the said blockaid and 
some time before, I received the following gentlemen into my 
house, contrary to the opinion and the general sentiments of many 
of the inhabitants of the said Town of Boston, viz. : — 

General Gage's two brothers-in-law, Major Kimble and Captain 
Kimble, secretary to General Gage, General Fresco tt. Lord Barring- 
ton's son, General Piggott, Captain Delancy of the 17th Regiment 
of Light Dragoons, Doctor Bruce of the Train of Artillery. Those 
gentlemen above-mentioned Lodged with me. 

The following gentlemen both Lodged and Boarded with me, 
viz. : — 

Governor Abbott and his secretary. General Smith of the 10th 
Regiment of Foot, Captain Parsons of ditto. Colonel Cleveland 
of the train of Artillery, Cornet Baggett of the 17th Regiment of 
Dragoons, Lieutenant Linsey of the 14th Regiment of Foot, Cap- 
tain Lum of the 38th Regiment, Captain Duff, now Major of the 
40th Regiment, Captain Hubbard and lady of the 45th Regiment, 
Lieutenant Snow and lady of ditto, Lieutenant Hamilton of ditto, 
Captain Craig (wounded) of the 47th Regiment, Surgeon Mallett 



and his mate of ditto, Captain Follat (wounded) of the 49th Regi- 
ment, Captain Smith and lad}' of the 5 2d Regiment, Ensign Buck- 
annon of the 47th Regiment, and Major Moncrieff and Lieutenant 
Moncrieff, his son. 

From mj principle and attachment to my King and countrj', which 
I never disguised, and taking all the militery gentlemen I possibly 
could under my roof, and accommodating them to the utmost of 
ni}' power, contrary to the Political principles of the major part 
of the town of Boston, and comeing away with the Fleet and army, 
was the great cause of it going so hard with me at their General 
Court, and from the Mobs in America. 

The 10th of March, 1776, Governor Abbott gave me a letter to 
Lord Dartmouth, recommending me to his Lordship's goodness in 
the strongest terms, and prating I might be recommended to his 
Majest}', as a faithful friend to government, and to his certain 
knowledge, living with me above Ten Weeks, he was an eye-witness 
to my great sufferings in that line, during his stay with me, and 
that particular care might be taken of my wife and seven children ; 
which letter I burnt before the Americans took possession of the 
vessel and my effects at Cape Cod ; for, if it had been found on 
me, I believe they would have hanged me, my wife and all my 
children, for being recommended to his Majesty. Nothing would 
have saved our lives, I am of opinion, knowing the Disposition of 
the people so well for above Twenty-two years I had lived amongst 
them. 

The 11th March, 1776, I hired a vessel* for my effects and 
family of one Captain Robert Campbell (as he styled himself) ; he 
came and offered me his vessel as he said, and told me it was en- 
tirely at my ser\ice, as he had disposed of no part of it, and if I 
had a mind to have part or the whole of the vessel it was for me to 
say. I asked him who was to command the vessel. He said the 
vessel belonged to him, and he was the captain. I then asked him if 
he was used to go to sea ; he answered he had, for above twenty 
years and upwards he had gone captain of his own vessel. Upon 
that, I showed him my shop and two Warehouses all full of goods, 
and likewise I showed him the furniture of my house, which article 
of furniture alone cost me above one thousand pounds sterling. I 
then asked this villain (for I cannot look upon him in any other 
Ught) how much of his vessel he thought I should want, being my- 
* Sloop named Sally. 



self not acquainted therewith. He told me he thought three-quar- 
ters of the Vessel would hold all my effects. I answered, if that 
was the case, I had rather hire the whole of the vessel, that I 
might have room enough, which I accordingly did, and agreed with 
him for Fifteen Guineas sterling to carry me, my family, and ef- 
fects to where the fleet and army went ; and paid him down half 
the money and took his receipt for the same, — for at that time we 
did not know where we was going. Accordingly, I began to take 
my goods down and pack them up immediately, and was obliged 
to put my goods in the street, as I packed them up ; and myself 
and family was obliged to watch them two da3^s and two nights, 
before I could get any carts to carry them down to the vessel, 
which was about a quarter of an English mile from my house to 
where the vessel lay, which cost me upwards of Forty-Two Pounds 
Sterling, all ready cash from me, to carry my goods to the said 
vessel. 

The 14th of March myself and family lay on board the said vessel. 
The 17th towed down below the castle by strange sailors. 19th, 
towed down to Nantasket Road by other strange sailors, and there 
lay till the 27th of March. At three o'clock in the afternoon sailed 
under the convoy of Admiral Gratton. I believe the fleet that I 
was in made about eighty sail of us, at that time ; but when we 
came to weigh anchor, and got it three-quarters up, a large ship of 
about five hundred ton came foul of us, and got foul of our bowsprit 
with bitter oaths that they would sink us, if we did not let go our 
anchor immediate^. At that time, we had carried away all their 
side rails and a carriage that was hung over, with our bowsprit. 
"When they got clear of us, we fell to work to get our anchor up 
again, and another vessel of near seven hundred ton fell foul of our 
bowsprit which carried away their quarter gallery, and did them 
abundance more mischief, which obliged us to let our anchor down 
again. Accordingly, we weighed our anchor a third time, and got 
it up so high that the vessel moved. I then seemly was glad to 
think we should get out of Nantasket Eoad, and get up to the 
fleet, which hove to for us ; but I was soon disappointed of my 
hopes: the stern of our vessel got aground. I turned to the captain 
and asked him what he thought would become of us. He told me 
he could not tell. I then desired him to look over the stern of the 
vessell where we was aground, which he did. I asked him whether 
the tide was a comeiug in or a going out. He said he could not 



1^ 

tell without an almanack on board for him to look at. I told him 
to go to the stern of the vessel and look at it again, and let me 
know his opinion, which he did, in these words, after looking some 
time : if the tide was going out, our vessel would grow faster in the 
sand, and we should be more aground, but if the tide was coming 
in the vessel would rise and we should get away ; which I thank 
God we did, and now we are going to sea, without either captain, 
master, or sailor, or even a boy that had been a week at sea. He 
put a 3'oung man at the helm that never saw salt water before, and 
gave him directions in the following manner, in my hearing, point- 
ing to a vessel before him, and said : " Follow that vessel, and wher- 
ever it goes do you keep it in view." The young man said he 
would. I called the Captain once more aside, when I heard him 
give this direction to the man at the helm, and asked him what that 
man at the helm must do when night came on, and he could not see 
that object. "Oh," said he to me, "Mr. Allen, I am surprised 
at you : aU the men-of-war will throw out lights, and then we shall 
be as light as day." This was eas}' enough to believe of him, but 
I soon found a fatal reverse, for before the day closed in, the whole 
fleet was out of sight, and we was left b}^ ourselves in this melan- 
choly situation. I went down into the cabin to see my dear wife 
and children ; soon after I heard something of a bustle upon deck. 
I went up and was told by the captain that the clew at the mainsail 
had given way ; and to m}^ great surprise found it had blown off 
the other side the Shrouds, and was in danger as I thought of over- 
setting the vessel. I then called the captain to me, and said to 
him in these words : " You are the man that has brought me into 
all these difficulties I am now in ; and I do insist upon you doing 
your duty on board this vessel as long as I am in it, both by night 
and day ; and I command j^ou that you get the clew of the main- 
sail in immediately, and I will give you all the assistance in my 
power, with all the other help on board." There being room in 
the vessel, I gave him liberty to take in more passengers, in order 
to put more money in his pocket, and in all we were, men, women, 
and children, twentj'-nine souls on board ; which all endeavored, 
what \sij in their power, to get the mainsail in again. And with 
all the help we were able, the captain tied it to one of the pumps ; 
and, for want of knowing how to tye a sailor's knot, it gave way in 
less than a quarter of a minute. I told him that he must now I'e- 
new his strength again, and we would likewise all do the same, for 



11 

I feared the vessel would overset. Accordingly, we got it in 
again, and he then tied it to both the pumps (in such a manner as 
not to be able to untye it again, and when we came to Cape Cod it 
was obliged to be cut with an ax) . I likewise asked him a little 
while after this accident, on going on the quarter-deck, if he had 
no such thing as a compass in our binacle. He said he had two, 
but he had no occasion for them, and they was both under his bed ; 
and if I went down with him, he would show me them, which 
he did, and said we was going directly after the fleet ; and then he 
made an apology to me that he had broke open my box and took 
out my candles, as he had forgot to bring any on board. At this 
time, we went about five knots an hour, but had shifted several 
seas in the intrim of time. All the water we had on board the 
vessel that could be drank, which was on deck, was about three- 
quarters of a barrel. We shifted a heavy sea about eight o'clock 
that same evening, which loosed the cask, and the bung started ; 
we lost all the water we had, there not being one drop left in the 
whole vessel to wet the mouths of the twenty-nine souls on board. 
And in about half an hour after we shifted a much heavier sea, 
which carried away the whole of our cabose off the deck, which was 
the place we had to dress our victuals in, and we had no place in 
the vessel to dress a bit of victuals after this. I then turned to the 
captain, and said to him : " I fear we shall all perish before half 
an hour's at an end ; had you not better try your pumps, to see if 
the hold of the vessel is filling with water, to know if we was not 
sinking?" "Oh, dear sir," says the captain, " I am glad you 
thought of it, for I had forgot it." He tried the pump, which was 
choaked, and he could not get any water out of it, and the 
hold was at least a quarter full of water. I told him then to try 
the other pump. He then went to look for the tackling to rigg the 
other pump, but could not find any thing to do it with, and, if he 
had, I am convinced he did not know what to do with it. In this 
disagreeable situation we continued, shifting seas often. I walked 
the deck till near twelve o'clock at night, until I was not able any 
longer, for the seas breaking in upon us so often, and from the in- 
tense cold, for it froze to solid ice, so that it was dangerous to 
move a foot on deck. In this deplorable state, I went down into 
the cabin to my wife and seven children, thinking every minute 
would be the last I had to live in this world ; expecting every 
moment to go to the bottom. I took my wife by the hand as she 



lay in bed in the cabin, which I thought mj^self a happy man to 
have her by the hand, at the same time (and I laid myself down by 
her) to think I should die in her arms along with her, gave me 
a great satisfaction. But she being in a great deal of trouble at 
the same time, I did not let her know the imminent danger we 
was in, tiU about two o'clock in the morning those passengers that 
lay in the hold of the vessel came running to the cabin, and beged 
for God's sake we would permit them to come in ; that a plank in 
the side of the vessel had given way, and the sea was pouring in, 
and the vessel was sinking ; and they begged that thej' might be 
permitted to stay in the cabin till we all went to the bottom to- 
gether. Until this my wife did not know the danger we was in. 
I then insisted on the captain to go in search to see where the 
plank had given way in the vessel, which I myself went along with 
him, and found it not quite so bad, but that we had a great deal of 
water in the hold, that had got between the ceiling and the vessel, 
and had broke its wa}^ through, and made as much noise as if a 
plank had given way every time the vessel moved. I then desired 
the Captain to come upon deck with me, which he did ; and I 
asked him whereabout he thought we was at sea. He told me he 
could not tell. I then asked him what distance we was from land. 
He said that was impossible for him to tell, for he had not kept any 
reckoning, and the reason he gave me for it was that he had forgot 
to bring pens, ink, and paper. I told him, if he had appl^'ed to me, 
I had all these things. He then made me answer he had never 
learned navigation, and that he never was on salt water before ; 
but he knew how to row a boat in a river ; on which I told him I 
was sorry we had not a boat, that we might save our lives at the 
sinking of the vessel, and at the same time I told him, if we had a 
boat with oars, it was my opinion he knew as little of it as he did of 
navigation, which he had made a fair acknowledgment to me. I then 
turned my back to him, almost froze to death, and looked out for 
daybreak, which at last I was so happy to see ; and every rope on 
board was, with the breaking in of the sea, froze almost as thick 
as my thigh, and no person on board able to walk on deck. In 
this manner we lay at the mercy of the waves, with our sails and 
rigging torn in ten hundred thousand pieces, that we could neither 
get them up nor down. The joy it gave me when I saw da3'brake, 
I am not able to express. About seven o'clock the same morning 
the captain said he saw a vessel. I intreated him, if he knew how 



13 

to steer for that vessel, he would with all speed. He made me 
answer that he did not understand steering the vessel he was in, so 
well as he knew how to give directions to another. I asked him 
how he was to get one, for to my certain knowledge there was none 
in the vessel that had ever taken a helm in hand before we em- 
barked on this unfortunate voyage. Some time after he said he 
thought he never saw so large a Ship before, and desired me to 
look at it, which I did. I turned round from him, and thought to 
m3'self how kind good Providence had been to me during the night 
past to live to see that happy hour. Of the vessel he had been so 
much surprised at, I soon perceived it was the main land. I ap- 
plied to him and asked him what land he thought it was. He told 
me that he was fully convinced that it was Nantucket. I told him, 
if that was the case, we must all perish very soon ; for the amazing 
rocks and shoals that lay off Nantucket I could remember very well, 
as I saw them above Twenty-Two years ago on my passage when 
I came from London. When I landed at Cape Cod, and told part 
of my troubles, I asked them the name of the place ; they told me 
it was Cape Cod. I told them my captain told me, and insisted 
upon it, that this place was Nantucket. They answered me that 
Nantucket was above four da^^s' sail from Cape Cod with a fair 
wind. Now give me leave to return back to the first sight of land. 
This captain of ours was at the greatest loss to know what to do in 
this situation, seeing land, for want of a map (which I am of opin- 
ion had there been one on board he knew no more what to do with 
than a rat) . Our case I then thought began to be desperate again ; 
but, providentially for us, the day turned out very fine and warm. 
"We got clear of all the ice upon deck soon after. I then desired 
the Captain to order every one upon deck that was on board the 
Vessel, which was twenty-nine souls. I then turned to them and 
told them it was by my desire they should all appear upon deck, and 
in the next place to know what we should all do in this melancholy 
situation ; that we now appeared coming up to land, and I was of 
opinion that no soul on board knew what land it was, and we came 
up with it very fast. We all advised on this matter together, with 
tears in our eyes ; going where we could not tell. Some was for 
scuttling the vessel, and sinking her, sooner than fall into the hands 
of the Americans again. I was not of that opinion, for whilst there 
was life there was hopes. I was for running the vessel on shore, 
in the most convenient place that we could see when we drew 



nearer to the land, whieti we all agreed to, except the captain ; he 
was for going to sea again, tliinlving we might fall into the hands 
of an English man-of-war. I thought the danger so great at his 
expressing of it, that I immediately objected against it, and so did 
ever}^ one in the vessel. He then found he stood no chance, but 
to shore he must go with us ; and accordingly we endeavored to 
set in for the land as fast as we could. Thank God, there was a 
strong current at the same time with a full tide in our favor, which 
brought us in quick. "We then looked out for the safest place to 
run the Vessel on shore, and in doing of that we struck upon the bar 
of Cape Cod most violently either seven, eight, or nine different 
times, which made her shake in such a manner that at every stroke 
we thought she would have gone to pieces ; and had she not been 
an amazing strong vessel her bottom must have been out at the 
first shock. But, luckily for us, we got off the bar ; but our 
anchor, that was hanging upon a long peak, catched fast hold of 
the bar, b^^ which means we all endeavored to get the anchor un- 
tangled, and with great difficulty we accomplished it, as the bar 
happened to be nothing but sand. I often said to the captain 
during the length of the night that I was afraid of that anchor that 
hung upon the long peak, that it would make holes in the bottom 
of the vessel, which might be the means of our foundering at 
sea. Upon that he answered me: "Oh, dear, Mr. Allen, I am 
surprised you should put such a question to me ; you must needs 
know that iron is heavier than wood, and, as the vessel comes up 
and goes down with the waves of the sea, the iron of the anchor 
is so much heavier than the vessel it would naturally go down 
before the vessel." In this most shocking situation with all our 
other difficulties we continued, until we got over Cape Cod bar, 
and soon after we got into Twentj'-Four fathom water (as the fish- 
ermen told me) , where the captain let go his anchor. I advised 
him by all means not to let that anchor go that was hanging a-peak. 
He made me answer, it might do him an injury when he went on 
shore, if they knew the anchor hung at the peak all the way from 
Nantasket Road to Cape Cod. Happy was I in myself, that I had 
lived to see the moment an anchor could be let down to hold us 
fast in twentj'-four fathom water, to the great relief of all the 
twenty-nine unfortunate souls on board, though I expected to lose all 
my property. This was about two o'clock in the afternoon, the day 
after we left Nantasket Road, the 28th of March. In this situation 



15 

we lay in Cape Cod harbor, with all our sails hoisted, as we had 
hoisted in Nantasket Road ; some all the way up, some half the way 
up, and some not a quarter of the way up ; torn, to appearance, 
into ten hundred thousand pieces, all flying. The captain says to me , 
by way of adviseing with me, seeing no boat come off to us, whether 
or no we had not better hoist a signal of a white sheet or table- 
cloth, to let them know we was in distress for want of a boat. 
The answer I made him was that I thought the above signals was 
quite suflacient ; that I imagined there was upwards of nine hundred 
thousand signals more than there need to be, was the reason of no 
boat coming off to us ; and that by neglect in not knowing how to 
clear the ropes at sea, so that they got all entangled together ; at 
which he looked a good deal ashamed of himself, and I imagine 
his former transactions flew in his face, which occasioned him to 
have very little to say for himself afterwards. After waiting some 
time in this distress, we espied a man on shore : we made motions 
to him, as we could not hear each other speak, for the conduct of 
our captain was all of a piece ; he had no Speaking-Trumpet on 
board. At last, we saw another man come up to the fii'st, and 
then three or four more afterwards. They sat down and conversed 
together for near an hour, and at last they made motions pointing 
to the town, which was three miles ofi"; and being very deep sand, 
and nothing but woods to go through, made the time appear very 
long to us, without one drop of water on board to wet our mouths 
withal. At last, to our great joy, we saw a cart with a boat (or 
cano) in it drawn by ten oxen, and six men more, which came 
down to our assistance. They soon got the boat into the sea, and 
two men in it to know from whence we came. We told them we was 
from Boston with the fleet. They answered they was surprised, 
for the}^ thought we was from a foreign country, and durst not 
come near us for fear we had the plague on board (and often de- 
clared that to me, whilst I remained a prisoner amongst them, they 
beUeved such another shocking sight was never seen before in all 
America, coming into any harbor). These two men did not come 
on board, as we had a Mrs. Wezzle on board with us that had the 
small-pox, just then on the turn, of which she died. I thought it 
best to let the two men in the cano know it, as the people in Amer- 
ica are exceedingly afraid of that disorder. After some conversa- 
tion, they returned back to the shore and reported our case to the 
other men, and, after they had conversed with those men on shore 



16 

some time, they returned with two more men that had had the 
small-pox a number of years before, and they came on board of us : 
this was about seven o'clock in the evening, the 28th of March, 
1776. 

In this cano, I and mj famil}'^, eleven in number, came on shore, 
and landed about eight o'clock that evening ; and then we had three 
miles to go through the woods, before we came to the town of Cape 
Cod, which I walked, and the rest of my family rode in that dung- 
cart that brought the boat to our assistance, drawn by ten oxen ; 
and we arrived in the town about ten o'clock that same evening, 
and to my great surprise was ordered into a small cottage, not fit 
to put a hog in, where we remained. And now I beg leave to re- 
turn to the vessel, which they seized, and all the effects that they 
could find therein, and I was never allowed to see the vessel more. 
And the same night a little before high water the}^ weighed her 
anchor and run on shore as far as they was able, and she never 
could be got off again. My suspition was that the vessel was run 
aground, and I have great reason to think so ; that it was done on 
purpose for the sake of pilfering what effects of mine the}^ could, 
at the time of unloading the vessel, and for fear she should be 
brought up to town, and their wicked purpose might be frustrated. 
I made all the inquiry I could, and from the best information I 
found this vessel took near three weeks unloading, which might 
have been done in three days, if they had been so minded ; and, in 
their account, they charged me to the General Court one hundred 
and fifty pounds sterling for unloading the vessel and storeing my 
effects. I had the mortifj'ing news brought me during this severe 
confinement that there were several carts employed to bring my 
goods from the vessel to town to be stored ; that they would fre- 
quentl}^ drop out of the cart, and many has been buried in the sand 
by private people who attended the unloading the vessel, and there 
was frequent battles among them, being suspicious of one getting 
more of my property than another ; and a gentleman of veracity 
came to me, and expressed concern for my sorrow and troubles, 
at several different times ; and one day said he had seen one of the 
compleatest battles he ever had in his life, and all on my account. 
About fifteen or sixteen men and women was fighting battle roj'al 
in the fields, condemning one another, and each sajdng the other 
had taken move of my property than they. The gentleman after- 
wards begged I would let it go no further from me. And several 



17 

other persons came to me and informed me much to the same pur- 
pose ; and some ready to give their oaths of the same, if ever I 
stood in need of it afterwards. But the people as incensed as they 
was against government and their friends, when they heard my 
case, how I had been used by the captain that brought my family 
and effects from Boston to Cape Cod, they was ready to tear him 
to pieces. They called him a fresh-water captain ; that they should 
not choose to hang a salt-water captain, but a fresh-water captain 
It would give them the greatest pleasure imaginable ; and it was 
with great difficulty I could prevail on them not to hang him, as 
they declared he did not deserve to have time to say. Lord, have 
mercy upon him, to bring such distress as he had done to twenty- 
mne unfortunate souls that he had on board of the vessel, now a 
perfect wreck in our harbor. This affair happened when they 
brought him on shore up to the town, where they was goino- to 
sacrifice him ; but at last they reprieved him on my account,''and 
confined him with the remainder of the passengers in several dif- 
ferent places ; but they stript the whole of the passengers of all 
their little effects, which was but trifling, and never allowed them 
to see them more. In that respect, they was stript of their all as 
well as myself, so that our situation became all alike. 

This cottage my family and I was put into was to have been 
pulled down the next morning, had we not have been put in it, 
from Its ruinated situation. It was melancholy to think that I was 
brought in comparison from a palace to a hogstye. We had a 
window to it, with four smaU panes of glass, and two of them 
broken. There was one door ; but I believe we should have been 
warmer inside, had there been none. When the wind blew, I am 
of opinion we should have been more confortable in the open field. 
There was a roof to this shocking place, but when it rained we had 
better have been in the open air ; for, after a shower was over, we 
was obliged to go into the road until it had drained itself off. In 
this place we were put, eleven of us in number, my family that 
came on shore with me in the boat, to lay on the ground one 
amongst another, servants included ; sometimes victuals, sometimes 
none, but never a quarter of enough. In this situation, we re- 
mained until the 19th day of April following, being twenty-two 
days. My wife that was with me, that never before saw any diffi- 
culties in her Hfe, and by which I had seventeen children, born 
and christened, and five miscarriages, and was married to her thir- 



18 

tj-seven years, and as good a wife and as tender a mother to her 
children as ever man could wish for, this worth}^ woman, seeing all 
her effects taken from her, and we wanting the common necessaiies 
of life, fell a sacrifice to their barbarity', and expired quite broken- 
hearted, in the fifty-second year of her age of the said 19th day of 
April ; she l^ing dead, her seven children round her breathless 
corpse, all in tears. I submit to the humane reader to reflect what 
heart-breaking and agonizing pains I must feel, and not able to 
assist them with a morsel of bread at the time. With an immense 
deal of trouble and great deal of diflScult}^, I got her buried of 
Sunday the 22d of April, in the afternoon ; and after her death I 
remained in the same disagreeable cott until the 27th, which was 
eight days longer, when m3'self and eldest son, then in the seven- 
teenth year of his age, was taken by a guard, prisoner to Truro, 
eight miles distant, from my poor six motherless children, destitute 
of bread, and confined in the guard-house there eight daj^s ; after 
which time, having nothing to allege to my charge, sent me and 
my son back again to my poor motherless children, to Cape Cod, 
where I remained with my seven children, still wanting the com- 
mon necessaries of life ; and, after crying round me for bread to 
eat until the 24th of May following, I then obtained, with great 
diflSculty, a pass to the General Court, then sitting at Watertown, 
as follows : — 

Provincbtowh, 24th May, 1776. 
Whereas, Mr. Jolley Allen and son, the bearer, on the 28th of last March, 
was wrecked on shore at this town, with several others in a sloop from Bos- 
ton, supposed to be bound to Halifax, in Nova Scotia. Upon their coming 
ashore, we sent a person to the General Court to inform them of this affair, 
who upon that sent a committee down here to order them to remain here 
until further orders, which shall be sent in a short time. They having re- 
mained here until this time, and having no answer from the General Court, 
and being impracticable to procure provisions here for their subsistence any 
longer time, under these circumstances, think it best to let Mr. Jolley Allen 
and son to go to the General Court to know what they intend to order 
further concerning them ; he having left his children and effects here as a 
pledge for his return here again. Colonel Cobb, a member of the General 
Court for Wellfleet, advised to the above. 

Solomon Cook, ) Selectmen of 

Nathaniel Niokebson, J Provincetown. 

To the Honorable Genebal Court. 

After reading the above pass from under their own hands, which 
this is a true copy, — having the original with me now in London, — 
think how hard my case was, to be under the disagreeable necessity 



19 



of leaving my s« poor childreu crying for bread, and I not able to 
get an^ thing for them. Bnt necessity called upon me aloud to get 
fhe ateve pass to caU me from their hungry cryes, which has been 
stch many times since in my absence, as would have moved he 
hear of any one not totally divested of humamty. But, from the 
dlof the above pass, I left my si. children in that deplorable 
sUuatL, and neve 'saw one of them until the ^^^J^y ^\^^l2 
foUowin-, is eighty-four days ; and from the said 16th to the 30th 
day o s^a id August I had all my dear children with me, and not 
before. They ^as insulted during my absence as children of the 
friend of government, as astonishes nature to think of, having 
neither father nor mother there to take their parts. I am now 
".ring one hundred and twenty mUes to Boston, myself and son 
XLulted on the road in a most barbarous manner all the way 
I we°nt to my own house when I arrived at Boston, that I had a 
loL lease of, which I locked up and fastened all the doors and 
win'dols, and brought the key away with me, but to my grea 
surprise they had broke open the door, who I cannot teU. The 
cupier that had then possession of it was my barber that shaved 
mTfo fourteen years. And it was with the greatest difficulty m- 
finable that he permitted me and my son to lay in one bed two 
Shts, for which he charged me eight shilUng sterling, wh eh I 
paid h m. During my two days' stay in Boston, I was insulted by 
Smost every one In such a manner that I was glad to get out of 
town n the evening, and had nine mUes further to trave , m the 
dJk; myself and son disguising ourselves for fear of being mnr- 
de*d o7the road before we got to Watertown, which we arrived 
at on the 31st of May, 1776, about two o'clock in the ^or-iing, 
1 then laid ourselves down behind a hedge in the Aeld^, <-ed 
and both hungry and dry, where we slept tiU near ^ej- « "=^0* jn 
the morning ; and, as soon as we made our appearance m the town, 
hey was rea^y to tear us to pieces. The General Court, hearing 
Int, ordered'us both to be coniined, to go under a thorough ex- 
lination. From the 31st of May to the 10th of June 1776, the 
General Court was resolving what should be done with ns ; and, 
of the Uth June, the CouneU had agreed with the General Court, 
and i took me fiJe days more to get a copy of the Re-lves from 
the General Court and Council, which made my conSnement in 
Wat^-town about a fortnight; during which "me - was obl^ed 
every day, except Sundays, to wait on the General Court and Coun- 
eU tom s^ven o'clock in the morning till eight o'clock at mght , in- 



suited dui'ing the above fortnight in the following manner : Some 
was for having me sent to the Castle, which was seven miles from 
Boston b}' land, there to live on bread and water. Others, fearful 
that by some stratagem I should make my escape from the Castle, 
was for my being sent to Bridwell to pick oaccum, and kept on 
bread and water. Others was determined that I should be sent to 
Cinderbury mines (a place of punishment they have, where few 
persons ever live to come out of that is confined there, as no day- 
light is ever seen), and there to be kept under ground on small 
allowance, bread and water.* This they had partly agreed on ; 
then they was at a stand how to act with my seven children, which 
in this manner they had at last agreed to : That my seven Tory 
children should be divided from each other fifty miles apart, that 
they should not converse or see each other, and to be put appren- 
tices to those that would take care to make them earn their daily 
bread, and that hard enough. In this manner, I expected my poor 
tender children would be torn from me, and myself banished from 
them never to see them more. These was the reports that was 
continually told me by those who came out of the Court from time 
to time, during the greatest part of the above fortnight, in this tor- 
menting way impressed me with a heavy load of sorrow. I was 
almost unable to support mj'self; but, in all my troubles, I never 
would relinquish my King and country. Some of the General 
Court as well as the common people said, if the}' had their will, 
they would have one of those trees (there being several trees face- 
ing the court-house which they pointed to at the time) stripped of 
all its branches but eight, and would have me and my seven chil- 
dren hanged thereon, but me upon the highest branch. This was 
done for the purjjose of tantalizing and tormenting me ; it was 
running thorns into my sides hourly ; and as they perceived my 
pain at such threats, so their joy increased during the above fort- 
night of my waiting on the General Court, during which time I had 
delivered six memorials at different times ; the last of which, I be- 
ing left an only executor to the last will of Mrs. Vintino, of Boston, 
in which she left a large property behind her to her own relations 
living in Ireland, which I had received, and had the greatest part 

* It is, perhaps, superfluous to add that there never was any place of con- 
finement in Massachusetts to which this description can be applied. But Mr. 
Allen probably refers to Simsbury, now East Granby, Ct. For a full account 
of the prison at that place, where a considerable number of Loyalists were 
imprisoned in the Revolution, see Phelps's History of Newgate of Connecti- 
cut. — Eds. 



21 

of it in my own hands at the time of my leaving Boston. In this 
last Memorial I prayed that the General Court would nominate or 
appoint such gentlemen as they could depend on to secure the 
above property and restore it to the legatees agreeable to the said 
will, out of my effects, which was seized by the said General Court, 
and then remained at Cape Cod, as plainly shows by my pass from 
thence, where they acknowledged from under their hands I had left 
my children and effects as a security for my return. But my re- 
quest was not granted by the said General Court, nor even an an- 
swer given to me. It grieved me exceedingly to see those innocent 
people in a foreign country injured in such a manner, in which I 
did all in my power to preserve, as being intrusted by the last will 
of a very worthy woman, and that should likewise be deprived of 
their right, she having a great dependence on me doing justice to 
her relations. How hard it will be if ever my property or any part 
of it should be restored to me, or to my children after my death, 
to be ruined again upon the account of the said will, which I left 
the original at the judge of probate's office at Cambridge, four 
miles from Boston. How am I or my children to escape from so 
heavy a charge, having acted to the utmost integrity and upright- 
ness in my intentions ? For had not my property been seized as it 
was, but I escaped with the fleet and army with ray effects that I 
had with me, I should and fully intended to remit to Ireland the 
whole of the fortune of the late Mrs. Vintino the first opportunity. 
And I now beg leave to submit my case to the candid public to 
judge whether I myself or the General Court then sitting at Water- 
town was the thief, that robbed those innocent heirs of their prop- 
erty. At near the latter end of the above fortnight I attended the 
said General Court at Watertown, some particular business called 
my brother, Lewis Allen, to Boston ; and as he was coming 
through Watertown, stopping to refresh his horse and self, having 
nine miles further to go to Boston, some people in the town asked 
him what he intended to do in regard to his brother. My name 
being mentioned to him greatly surprised him, for he thought I 
was then at Cape Cod. He came to seek me, and asked me why 
I did not let him know I was here or intended to come. I told him 
my reason was, I had brought all these difficulties and distresses on 
myself. I did not choose to trouble au}^ of my friends, for fear o( 
bringing them into as great troubles as m3'self. While m^^ brother 
and me was conversing together, the Council sent for me, and I 
was informed that the General Court had resolved what should be 



3^ 

done with me, and had sent their resolves to the Council. When 
I attended, two of the Council came down to me, and expressed 
great concern for me, and told me that the General Court had sen- 
tenced me (I think the gentlemen said) to Sinderbury mines ; but 
so hard and dreadful a sentence to an innocent man, who had done 
no wrong to none of them, so agitated my mind, I really' am not 
clear whether the gentlemen said Sinderbury mines or not, but I 
think they did, and my children to be divided, which made my case 
very hard, being well known to the General Court and the Council. 
I pra^^ed they would permit me to send for my brother, Lewis Allen, 
then in Watertown, which was granted, and he came to me. I 
told him my shocking situation, and then he beged of me that 
I would give him liberty to see what he was able to do for me ; on 
which the Council agreed to give him a few hours to send in a me- 
morial to the General Court, praying relief for his brother before 
the sentence was passed by the Council, on which my brother sent 
in the following memorial : — 

To the Honorable the Council and House of Representatives in General Court 
assembled at Watertown. 

The memorial of Lewis Allen, of Shrewsbury, in the County of Worces- 
ter and Colony aforesaid, humbly sheweth : — 

That your memorialist hath been informed that this Honorable Court 
have ordered the goods and chattels the effects of Jolley Allen should be 
disposed of at public auction for the support of his said children, and that 
the children unable to support themselves should be disposed of and put out 
to board as reasonable as possible, and the rest of them to be put to appren- 
tiseship or bound out to service. Your memorialist would inform this 
Honorable Court that he is willing to take the four youngest children at as 
reasonable a price as any person in the community; and the three oldest 
ones gratis. And that he will give bonds that they shall not become 
chargeable to the community for their support and maintenance ; and that 
he will receive and support the said Jolley Allen, and will give security that 
he shall not depart the Colony, nor hold correspondence with any person 
knowing them to be inimical to the liberties of America. Wherefore your 
memorialist humbly prays that he may be permitted to receive said Allen 
and children upon the terms above mentioned, or upon such other terms as 
this Honorable Court shall judge for the safety and well-being of the com- 
munity. And in duty bound shall ever pray. 

Lewis Allen. 

In all our calamities, we ought not to despair, but look up to 
kind Providence who watches with a gracious and merciful care over 
us (and will not alwa3's let the wicked prevail) , should order it so 
that the morning the Resolves of the General Court was sent down 
to the Council, my brother should arrive in Watertown, and the 



23 

Council permitted him time to present the above memorial to the 
General Court, before they signed my sentence ; as I am of opinion 
as soon as the Council had agreed with the General Court, there 
was a guard ready to take me to my banishment, where I must have 
soon expired of a broken heart as my poor wife had done about 
two months before. And, upon the above memorial being pre- 
sented to the General Court, they came to the resolution to with- 
draw their former Resolve, and sent for the same from the Council, 
and came to the following Resolve : — 

In the House of Representatives, 10th June, 1776. The committee on 
the petition of Lewis Allen, reported and read and accepted. 

Besolved, That the prayer of the petitioner be so far granted that he 
have liberty to take the seven children of the said Jolley Allen, for which 
he shall be paid out of the proceeds of the sales of the goods and effects of 
the said Jolley Allen thirty-six pounds eight shillings [which sum in ster- 
ling makes twenty-seven pounds six shillings], for the maintenance and 
support of the same ; and the petitioner to give bonds in the sum of one 
hundred pounds that they shall not become chargeable to the community 
for any further support and maintenance; and that he shall receive and 
support the said Jolley Allen, and that he shall not depart the County of 
Worcester, or hold correspondence with any person knowing them to be 
inimical to the liberties of America, till further orders of this Court. 

That Mr. Nye, Mr. Wendell, and Mr. Deacon Thomas be a committee to 
receive all the goods and effects of the said Jolley Allen that can be found, and 
deliver the petitioner at Boston the children and four feather beds and bed- 
ding, and the wearing apparel of the children and the late wife of the said 
Jolley Allen, also his own wearing apparel ; the remainder of the goods and 
effects to be disposed of by the said committee at public auction, and pay 
the above sum of thirty-six pounds eight shillings to the said Lewis Allen ; 
also pay all necessary charges that have arisen or may arise in collecting and 
transporting said goods and effects ; also the charges for supporting the said 
Jolley Allen and family in Provincetown, and to be accountable to the Gen- 
eral Court for the same. 

Sent up for concurrence. J. Wabren, Speaker. 

Li Council 14th June, 1776. Read and concurred. 

John Lowell, Deputy P. 

Consented to. 

William Sever. B. White. 

William Spooner. William Phillips. 

. Caleb CtrsHiNG. B. Austin. 

J. WiNTHROP. T. Gardner. 

S. Holten. Daniel Davis. 

Richard Derby, Jr. D. Sewell, 

T. CusHiNG. D. Hopkins. 

John Whetoomb. 
A true copy. Attest : John Lowell, Deputy Secretary, P. 



I beg leave, though in an improper place, to insert the receipt 
m}' brother Lewis Allen gave me, the night before I made my es- 
cape and broke m}^ confinement, at the hazard of m}' life, for fear 
it should be forgot, only to show the honor of the General Court, 
notwithstanding their Resolves to allow my brother twenty-seven 
pound six shillings, as above resolved, with my children, they never 
gave him one farthing, viz. : — 

Shrewsbdrt, 7th Feb., 1777. 

Received the within named JoUey Allen and family Hth June last, but 
have received not one farthing from the General Coiu't. 

L. Allen. 

This was the utterance to myself of a heavy heart when I left 
Watertown, loth June, 1776 : Now farewell, Watertown. I hope 
no friend of government will ever hereafter fall into your hands, 
nor receive the hundredth part of the most barbarous and inhumain 
usage as I have for this fifteen da3's past. On this day I left 
"Watertown, and have got thirt3'-one miles to go to Shrewsbury, 
the place of my confinement, and on the greatest part of the road 
was insulted almost by every one. From my keeping of a shop for 
the sale of English goods for many j^ears in Boston was known to 
all the country round ; and not a morsel of bread would an}- of 
them give me or my son for money ; and when night came on was 
obliged to go into the woods to lay. Through the mere}' of God, 
we arrived at Shrewsbur}" the second day, being the 17th of June, 
Sunda}', very hungrj^, but I cannot saj' I was dry ; b}^ often Ijing 
down and drinking of the running streem, both me and my son as 
we went along, was all the sustenance we had. My brother, being 
obliged to go to Boston on some urgent business, could not go 
home with us, but gave me money to hire a horse and chaise, but 
none durst let one to us for fear of being Tarred and Feathered. 

When I got to Shrewsbury, I was in hopes the bitterness of my 
hard fate was over ; but I soon found, to my inexpressible grief, I 
was much mistaken, which I beg leave to relate, for the people of 
Shrewsbury, of the 20th of June, three days after my arrival, ex- 
pressed most horrid and cruel invectives against me, and threat- 
ened me most violentlj^, and friends of government infbrmed me 
so much of their behavior that I durst not venture out of the 
house, for my life was in imminent danger, I found ; and on the 27th 
of June, about ten o'clock at night, I was going to my bed half 
undressed, my brother came up to me and knocked at the door, to 



25 

let me know the house was going to be surrounded that night b}"- a 
very great mob from different towns. At which news I was quite 
composed, thinldng I must resign my breath as well as my effects. 
My brother was greatly agitated, thinking he and his family must 
die along with me, and my poor mother, who was near ninety years 
of age. The terror was so great on her that I thought she would 
expire several times ; and then I was exceedingly sorry that my 
brother had sent a memorial to the General Court for me, as I said 
to him at Watertown, when he chided me for not writing to him. 
I said, " No, Lewis, I have brought this difficulty on myself: let 
me work myself out of it as well as I can, and let me not be the 
instigation of ruining the whole famil3^" But ray case was so 
desperate from the General Court, that I was glad to accept his 
offer, which succeeded for a time, but now it seemed to fall with 
more violence than ever. We sat up the whole night, but the 
Shi'ewsbury mob being disappointed by the other towns did not 
come, and we heard nothing further of them until the 8th of July, 
which was twelve days, expecting them the first four days that 
they was coming every minute on us ; the family crying and la- 
menting da}^ and night the greatest part of the time, saying they 
was ruined for ever ; and I preparing myself for death as well as I 
was able. The 8th of July, this mob sent word to Shrewsbury'' 
mob that the reason of they being disappointed was they could not 
collect themselves together, but of this night was determined to 
come and set fire to the house and destroy every thing there was. 
This farm my father gave, above twenty years before, one Thou- 
sand Pounds sterling for it. Upon three friends of government 
hearing of their determination, came and acquainted me of it, 
about three o'clock the same afternoon, unknown to the mob, or 
else I must have perished that night. I took this information into 
consideration immediately. What to do I could not tell ; at last, 
I bethought myself. About four o'clock, to save the house, effects, 
and the lives of the rest of the family that was there, I sent for 
two men of the town who I was informed was the head of the 
mob. They came to me. I begged the favor of them that I 
might go to Mr. Stone, their representative,* which lived three 

* Jonas stone, born Aug. 12, 1725, died March 22, 1809. Ward says in the 
History of Shrewsbury, pp. 424, 425, "He was an ardent friend of his country 
in her Revolutionary struggle; represented the town in General Court, when 
held at "Watertown, May, 1775, and rendered long and important services in 
town and parish affairs." — Ens. 



2|^ 

miles off from my brother's. I took no notice to those two men that 
I knew what was to happen that night, when I first asked them the 
favor. They answered me the}' durst not grant it. I interceded 
with them all I could. The}' went back and returned to me about 
six o'clock the same evening (those two men was officers belong- 
ing to the rebel army), and when the}^ came to me the second time 
they had changed their clothes and had put on their regimentals. 
They told me then that I had liberty to go to their representa- 
tive, but they must go with me, which they did. I then took leave 
of my brother and his family, and happy to think within mj'self 
that I had bethought m3'self of an expedient to save the lives of 
my aged mother, my brother, and the rest of the family that was 
in the house, to get out of the house from them, that they should 
not fall a sacrifice with me, as I expected nothing but present 
death with going out with them two men. Soon after, I left the 
house to go this three miles of ground, in going of which the mob 
had placed themselves in small parties about a quarter of a mile 
distance from each other, and as I passed them, and most of 
the houses, no tongue can express the ill-treatment and abusive 
language I received ; and happj' was I to think I had escaped 
with my life to the Representative's house, he being the repre- 
sentative for the town of Shrewsbury, and a constant attendant 
on the General Court, was well acquainted with all the afflictions 
the General Court had laid on me, that he was full}' satisfied 
that no one had any business with me ; they had afflicted me as 
much as could be done as they thought, and that I had no busi- 
ness to wait of him. I told him I waited upon him to know if 
I had broke the resolves of the General Court, or what I had 
done to the people of Shrewsbur}', and I begged leave to state 
my case as follows : That I was well informed that there was mobs 
to assemble from difl'erent towns that night, and was to surround 
my brother's house, and, if they could not lay hold of me they 
was determined to destroy it and every thing therein by fire ; 
for they was determined to have my life, and, if he should refuse 
me to sta}' in his house, begged he would let me have a private 
room for half an hour to prepare mj'self for death. Mr. Stone 
answered me, saying, "Mr. Allen, I never knew you to tell me 
a falsit}^ in your life, and it is hard for me to think ill of my 
townsmen." Upon that, he turned round to the two officers that 
came with me, and conversed with them upon the matter I had 



27 

just related to him. The two officers was greatly surprised when 
they found I knew all the plot, and hesitated some time before 
they could answer Mr. Stone clearly ; but at last they did con- 
fess that was the intent of the mob, to come upon me that night, 
and how I knew it they could not tell. I desired leave to wait 
upon him, and we had granted him that favor. On this, Mr. 
Stone took the two officers into another room, and staid there 
about a quarter of an hour : their conversation I can form no 
judgment of, but on their return I applied to Mr. Stone in these 
words: " Sir, what am I to do in this deplorable situation I am 
now in? Do you receive me in your house, or'do you not? " He 
answered me, "I am sorrj' for 3"ou, and that you may sta}^ in my 
house." I told him I would pay him with the greatest honor, 
which I did. During the time I staid at Mr. Stone's house, which 
was eight daj^s, he used me very kindly ; but, poor man, I was ex- 
ceedingly sorry for him and his family, for I had not been but two 
daj's there, when the mob threatened to destroy him, and burn his 
house and all his effects with fire, declaring he was a greater Tory 
than I was for taking me in, and this repeated several times, say- 
ing he deserved to be sent out of the world as quick as I m^'self, 
and that he was the last person they should have thought of acting 
so, being their representative ; which greatly alarmed his wife and 
children, to mj' great trouble. And, on ni}' leaving his house and 
settling with liim about eleven o'clock in the forenoon of the 16th 
of Jul}^, he expressed great concern for me, and if it was in his 
power he would take a pleasure in serving me. On my quitting 
his house, I went the roadway to my brother's house again. 
Whilst I was going the roadwa}", the mob rising, and knowing the 
country better than me, took a shorter way through the fields to 
Mr. Stone's house, where they sent one before them to inquire for 
me. They received an answer from Mr. Stone himself that I had 
left his house and gone to mj'' brother's. Accordinglj^, this man 
went to the rest of the mob to acquaint them thereof, and they 
immediately set off after me, to my brother's, where they found 
me. The}^ sent two men to inquire of my brother if I was there. 
He asked them what their business was with me. They told him 
it was not his business to know ; they wanted me, and they would 
have me ; and, if he would not consent to it, they would have me 
out of the house by force. Upon that, he declared they should 
not ; which they answered they was determined they would, or 



28 

else die by it. On wliieh a scuffle ensued, and they got the better 
of my brother, and got into the house, and was forcing their way 
through it, breaking ever}^ thing before them. This happened 
about half after twelve o'clock the same day. The first and sec- 
ond attempt was to have been in the night ; not succeeding, they 
was now determined to take the day, that every one should see 
what they did do. Hearing the scuffle and uproar in the Parlour, 
I came in and asked what was the matter. These two men made 
me answer, and said they came to demand my body, and was deter- 
mined to have it, or they would lose their lives in the cause. As I 
now appeared before them, I asked them what they wanted to do 
with me. They told me I should soon see that. I asked them 
whether they wanted to lay violent hands on me. They said they 
was determined to do that to the very utmost of their power, if I 
did not give up m3'self to them immediately. I asked, upon these 
words, what difference would it be their seizing me or I to give 
myself up. Thej' made me this reply: "If you deliver yourself 
up to us, 3'ou shall not be hurt ; if you do not, all the punishment 
we are able to lay upon you we will do, if we take you bj^ force." 
I asked them both directly whether they had any honor in them. 
They both told me I was a scoundrel. Upon that word, I asked 
them if they would give me their honor I should not be hurt if I 
gave mj'self up to them. They accordingly did, and I said to 
them, " I hope it is that part of honor that my life might not be 
taken from me." Upon which they answered me that was owing 
to m}^ behavior whilst I was with them. Accordingly, I went with 
them, and was greatly astonished to see the number of people 
waiting for them. The}^ took me and marched me back the three 
miles I had come that morning to Mr. Stone's house ; insulted the 
greatest part of the way too inhuman to put pen to paper to de- 
scribe, and joined by other mobs on the road, all in chorus one 
with another. At about three o'clock, the mob arrived at the rep- 
resentative's house, and asked if Deacon Stone was at home ; the 
answer they received was no, that he was in the field ; and seeing 
so many people gathered together about the house, they stood 
amazed, and me in the middle of them a prisoner. They sent a 
boy with that body to show them where their representative was in 
the field at work, which greatly' surprised him (I thought he looked 
wild) at seeing so large a mob of people should make their appear- 
ance before him in the field, and in looking about him happened to 



29 

see me, almost fatigued to death, and broken-hearted in the midst. 
Upon which he said to them, "Ho, ho! what's your will with 
me ? " Upon which they began to ask the meaning of my leaving 
his house that day. " Ah, my Townsmen," said he, " are you 
the people that threaten to set my house in flames and destroy all 
my efl'ects? I now know you all well, and know how to make a 
proper return of the whole of you to the General Court ; and what 
are you come about, or what is your business with Mr. Allen?" 
They answered, "We are all in a body come upon that account, 
that he shaU not live in the town of Shrewsbury, nor no king of 
the Tories, nor no villain like him, that went off with the fleet and 
army;" but insisted of carrying me back to the General Court, 
then sitting at Watertown. He answered them, saying, " What 
has this here mob to allege against Mr. Allen? Has he broke his 
confinement ; has he insulted any of the townspeople ; has he been 
disguised in liquor; has he been guilty of any misdemeanor 
amongst you since he has been here? If he has, I will save you 
the trouble of sending him to the General Court ; but I will send 
him under a strong guard, and that immediately." The speaker 
of this mob made answer, and said there was not one of those 
articles to lay to his charge or any other whatsoever ; but as a 
body that had appeared before him, all friends to the United 
States of America, and that regard for their thirteen stripes, that 
they would not suffer no such a villanous Tory to be in the town 
of Shrewsbury ; but at the hazard of all then- lives was determined 
to have me out of it, and that immediately. Upon which their 
representative said to them, " I understand you now all plainly," 
and said he was thoroughly tired, and desired they would all sit 
down in the field with him, which they did except myself (I suppose 
it was in order that none of them should get away clandestinely, if 
they had so minded) ; I left standing, ready to sink into the earth, 
a spectacle for the whole mob to gaze on during their conversation, 
and to make their remarks on, and loading me with abuse ; setting 
no regard upon the presence of their representative between whiles. 
This mob being seated, their representative began to open the con- 
versation to that whole body as follows: "Now I am seated, I 
now understand your conversation right weU. You want me to 
send that man that you have a prisoner, under a strong guard, 
to Watertown to the General Court, where they are now sitting. 
Had you any crime in particular against him, I would do it ; but I 



m 

plainly see j'oii have none. Now I will give 3'ou my opinion as 
3'our Representative : this man lived eight da3's with me ; I never 
lived with more satisfaction than during the time he was in my 
house, no further than this, often having been told that my house 
was going to be set on fire and destro3'ed during the greatest part 
of the time he lived with me. I have said to a great many of my 
townsmen, if that was the case, I would make them build me up a 
better in the room of this I have. And 3'ou want me trul}" to send 
this man who is standing up among us to Watertown, thirty-one 
miles, which is because I took him into my house, and you had 
not the satisfaction of murdering him eight daj-s back ? Now you 
all know I am Representative ; I have this to say to 3'ou, now 
3'ou are calml}' sitting with me : you are aU the transgressors, not 
only upon me, but this man 3'Ou have made a prisoner of, and now 
with you, and if I knew where to send for a sufficient guard to 
surround you all, j'ou are the people I ought to send to the Gen- 
eral Court for disobej'ing the General Court's orders, and not this 
man, who by j'our own confession having nothing to lay to his 
charge that I can find out by an}- of you. You even say he has 
not broke his confinement. You all sa}' you are all friends to the 
United States, and the thirteen stripes ; you are the people that 
wants to pull down the United States, and tear the thirteen stripes 
to pieces. I cannot see an}' occasion the town of Shrewsburj' has 
for any representative. Although I have been 3'our Representative 
for a number of years, and alwa^-s have done in the General Court 
eveiy thing that lay in m}' power for the prosperit}' of the town of 
Shrewsbury ever since I have been 3'our Representative, in promot- 
ing such salutary laws as was serviceable to the town of Shrews- 
bur}', I am now convinced this body that appears now before me, 
the}' seemly are determined to break through the laws I have been 
stri\dng to hold up to the utmost of my abilities ; but now I find it 
is impossible for me to do it any longer. And now I see plainly the 
minds of this body, which is the greatest part of this town, that 
you have no occasion for a representative : I am determined to serve 
you no longer, appoint who you will." Upon this, the foreman of 
the mob got up and spoke to the mob in these words : ' ' V[e are like 
to have a long and disagreeable conversation ; I move that a guard 
of six men take the prisoner away, that he may hear no more of 
it." And accordingly the guard took me to the Representative's 
house, being near the field, and staid with me there during the 



. 31 

short conversation that passed whilst I was with this guard, the 
purport of which I am unacquainted with. In about twenty min- 
utes after, the whole mob came out of the field and demanded my 
body ; on which the guard marched me into the midst of them . 
From between twelve and one o'clock, they took me out of my 
brother's house, they marched me sixteen miles, until two o'clock 
the next morning. In this sixteen miles, they took me to North- 
borough ; the Militia of the town with their guns and bayonets fixed 
was drawn up ready to receive me, to my great surprise (from 
which I imagined they had sent some of their part}' a shorter way 
to give them notice) . They applied to the Representative of that 
town * and stated their case, and he told them likewise that they 
was entirely'' wrong, and if they persevered to carry me to Water- 
town, as they had nothing to allege against me, it was his opinion 
that I should be sent back and they would be all made prisoners ; 
but they might do as they pleased, for had I broke m}^ confinement, 
or any ways done amiss, he would have sent his guard to Water- 
town with me. Upon this second repulse, they, finding themselves 
in the wrong, did not know how to act for some time. But a little 
while after the body agreed to draw up an instrument for me to 
sign, which was for me to consent to be shot through the heart if 
I attempted to come off my brother's Farm ; which instrument I 
refused to sign, saving I never would sign my own death-warrant ; 
but as my presence was so disagreeable, and if it would give any 
satisfaction to them to draw up any thing that would not take my 
life immediately, I would sign it (there I had given my word) . 
The}' then paused a httle, and withdrew, and transversed the sen- 
tence to five hundred stripes, which I signed as follows : — 

NoBTHBOBOUQH, 16th July, 1776. 

Whereas, I have been unfriendly to the common cause of America, and it 
being grievous to the good people of Shrewsbury for me to walk the streets, 
I promise and engage to abide within the limits of the farm of Lewis Allen 
of said Shrewsbury, excepting to attend public worship at the meeting-house 
in the first precinct of said Shrewsbury, and if found without the said boimds 
I consent to receive any punishment they shall inflict not exceeding five 
hundred stripes on the naked back. And I further promise not to send any 
letter to any person, unless first shown to some person whom they shall ap- 
point for that purpose. 

Witness my hand. Jolley Allen. 

* The representative from Northborough at that time was John Ball. —Eds. 



32^, 

Many a time I was exceedingly sorry since I had given my word 
to sign the aforesaid instrument, for reason I was always deter- 
mined to brake my confinement the first opportunity, even at the 
hazard of m}^ life ; not thinking that they would have taken the ad- 
vantage of my word to la}^ on me so hard a sentence. But I had given 
my word, and could not go from it, otherwise I never should have 
consented to have done an}^ such thing, for I was sensible, if I had 
been taken after I broke my confinement, that I could not have 
been able to a gone through the above punishment from their savage 
conduct to me ; must have died in the operation. About two 
o'clock in the morning, they marched me back to my brother's 
farm, their place of confinement, not approving what their General 
Court had done to me ; where I remained well watched, may be 
depended on, for the sake of what I had signed. But some friends 
of government who used to come to bemoan their hard fate with me 
in the night, which durst not come at any other time, has frequently 
told me what a kind hand of Providence was over me for me to sign 
the aforementioned instrument, as a party of the mob that took me 
to Northborough had dug a grave six feet deep, and as I was to walli 
by they was to shove me in it and cover me up immediately, that 
none might ever know what was become of me ; but kind Provi- 
dence would have brought the whole to light, I make no doubt. 
This it seems was their determination before drawing the aforesaid 
instrument for me to sign. During my confinement, I beg leave to 
mention my son, then in the seventeenth year of his age, being then 
at Boston striving to do what lay in power for me, but to no eflfect ; 
the General Court hearing that the mobs from other towns came to 
Provincetown and broke open the stores where my effects lay, and 
took out whatever thej'^ pleased and carried them away, and like- 
wise burnt the Vessel for the sake of the iron. Amongst my effects 
taken away, there was a crimson silk damask bed which cost One 
Hundred Fifty Pounds Sterling ; and as every one was for getting 
all they could, it was torn to pieces, and some got enough to make 
capasheens, others to make bonnets ; and those that could get no 
bigger, made shoes of them, which my own children saw worn be- 
fore they left the Cape, and came to me at Shrewsbury. The Gen- 
eral Court, as I said before, hearing of these plunderers, ordered my 
son, then at Boston, to go with an empty vessel to Cape Cod, and 
bring the remainder of my eflfects away with him ; but, on his ar- 
rival at Cape Cod, the people there refused to deliver them to him. 



33 

saying the General Court had no right to the goods, as they came 
into their harbor in the greatest distress imaginable ; that the Vessel 
and cargo was their property, a wreck from sea. On which my 
son and vessel returned to Boston, with only my other six poor 
children, and four beds and bedding which the General Court had 
ordered. And my children came to me at Shrewsbury : this was 
in the month of August, and not before, that I received my dear 
children. 

I hope the candid reader will permit a parent to leave his own 
present troubles awhile, and lament on his son, who in the eigh- 
teenth year of his age, and never knew what hardships was before, 
being always brought up very tenderly with me, but being separated 
from me, and losing his mother, and cruelly insulted, am informed 
he died quite broken-hearted, for want of his father being there to 
take his part. In this youth, I have lost a very promising and duti- 
ful child, and my other six dear children a loveing and kind brother, 
was advancing in life very fast to be enabled to defend himself and 
protect them, which friendly aid they have stood in great need of 
since I arrived in England, After receiving my six poor children, 
I continued in my confinement until I received Mr. Wendell's 
letter, a copy of which is as follows : — 

Watertown, 19th Sept., 1776. 
The General Court have resolved that you be permitted to go to Cape Cod, 
there to sell so many of your effects as are sufficient to discharge your debts 
in Provincetown, and you are to settle and pay off the same. After that is 
done, you will assist the selectmen of that town in forwarding the remainder 
of your effects up to Boston, to be deposited in the hands of Mr. Pitts and 
myself, till the further order of the Court. This is the best that can be done 
at present, and hope you'll perform the business with integrity. I must de- 
sire to see you before you go down to the Cape, as I shall write by you, and 
give you some directions. 

Call at the Secretary's office at the Council Chambers for the resolves of 
Court. Tours, 

Oliveb Wendell, 

One of the Court's Committee. 

On the receipt of the above letter, I greatly feared it was a 
scheme laid to get me off the farm, in order that the mob might 
inflict me with the punishment of five hundred lashes. I durst not 
go until my brother had got a pass for me from Dr. Flint, chair- 
man of the committee of Shrewsbury, which took him three days to 
procure for me, and is as follows : — 



# 



In compliance with Mr. Wendell's directions, Jolley Allen, the bearer here- 
of, is permitted to go to Cape Cod or elsewhere, agreeable to what the Com-t 

shall order. 

Edward Flint, 

Chairman of the Committee of Correspondence, &c., at Shrewsbury. 

Bhbewsbubt, 23d Sept., 1776. 

The next morning after I received the above pass, I set off to 
Watertown for the copy of the Kesolves of the General Court, 
which is as follows : — 

Ik the House op Representatives, Sept. 18, 1776. 
Resolved, That Jolley Allen be permitted to collect and make sale of so 
much of his effects at Cape Cod as shall be suflScient to discharge the debts 
incurred by him and his family at Provincetown since March last; and, after 
settling and paying said debts, that the selectmen of Provincetown deliver 
the remainder of his effects into the hands of Mr. Wendell and Mr. Pitts, of 
Boston, who shall be accountable to this Court for the same that may be de- 
livered to them. 

Sent up for concurrence. J. Wabben, Speaker. 

In Council, Sept. 18, 1776. Read and concurred. 

Jno. Aveky, Deputy Secretai-y. 

Consented to by the major part of the Council. 

A true copy. Attest : Jno. Aveky, Deputy Secretary. 

On receiving the said Resolve from the secretary's office, I went 
to Boston that same evening, and attended on Mr. Wendell at his 
house (I took care to have a copy of the Resolve before I gave it 
him) , and entered into conversation immediately^ on the subject of 
my going to the Cape. Afterwards he sat down and wrote a letter 
to the selectmen of Provincetown, which he sealed (or I would 
have had a copy of it also) , desiring me to go as quick as possible 
I could contrive to get to Provincetown with this letter. (At this 
time of leaving Shrewsbury, I thought it very prudent to have my 
eldest daughter with me, which was then in the nineteenth year of 
her age, for fear of any accident happening to me of being mur- 
dered on the road ; hearing the mobs had broke open all the ware- 
houses where my effects lay, and took out what they pleased, and 
left the remainder, by which means I thought my life in danger, 
was the reason of me taking my daughter with me.) On leaving 
Mr. Wendell and he giving me the above letter, he said if I found 
any difficulty, or that the people of Cape Cod refusing to deliver 
me the goods, to tell them they had once disobliged the General 



35 

Court, and let them take care how they offended the General Court 
again, if ever the town wanted or should ask a favor from them. 
But, before I left Mr. WendeU, I asked how I was to go to the 
Cape. He said the best way I could. I told him I had no money, 
how was I to go two hundred and forty miles thither and back 
agam. He said he had no directions from the General Court, and 
therefore he could do nothing in it. I answered, " Sir, you know 
they have taken away all my property ; I have nothing left that I 
can come at ; I cannot go without support ; and pray, sir, am I to 
stay m Boston or return to Shrewsbury?" Besides, I had my 
daughter with me, as I did not know from the cruelty I had re- 
ceived at Shrewsbury but that I might be murdered by the way in 
going or coming back ; for that reason, I had brought my daughter 
with me, that she might be a witness of my funeral, that the Gen- 
eral Court might know what was become of me. After waitino- 
two days in Boston, Mr. Pitts, the other Court's committee man"^ 
sent for me, and gave me twenty dollars in paper money, which is 
Four Pounds Ten ShiUings sterling, and desired I would make 
what haste I could there, and come back as quick as possible, 
which I did to the great astonishment of the people of Province- 
town, for they never expected to see me again. And to my great 
surprise on my arrival in Provincetown, and delivered Mr. Wen- 
dell's letter to the selectmen, on reading which they told me 
neither I nor the General Court had any right to my effects, as I 
came into their harbor in the greatest distress ; that the like was 
never seen before ; and refused to give me up the effects, untH I 
told them of the message that Mr. Wendell gave me beside the 
letter. On which, the selectmen had a consultation together, and 
then agreed to let me have the effects, and gave me an account, 
which I never before was able to obtain, for unloading the vesseU 
and storing the effects. They charged One Hundred and Fifty 
pounds sterhng ; but, on my disputing so unjust and enormous an 
account, they agreed to take Seventy-Four SterUng, and this ac- 
count they afterwards acknowledged to be a very heavy charge 
when thus reduced, as wiU appear by the subjoined certificate. 
Being obliged by order of the Court to seU the effects at Province- 
town to discharge the said sum, I am weU satisfied in my own 
mind what was there sold, foj- the above sum of Seventy-Four 
pounds sterling, would have *sold in Boston for Five Hundred 
Guineas sterhng. Such was the advantage taken of me, and never 



36 ^ 

■ allowed me what was left besides, after the above sale. I did the 
best that la}' in my power from Mr. Pitts and Mr. Wendell's di- 
rection to me, ordering me to assist the selectmen. I hired a 
vessel to take the remainder of my effects to Boston, as appears 
by the receipt at the bottom of the bill of lading, as follows : — 

Provincetown, Oct. 9, 1776. 

Received the above goods and articles on board the schooner Ester, which 
I promise to deliver at Boston, to Oliver Wendell and John Pitts, Esqs., or 
their order, danger of the seas only excepted, they paying freight thereof, 
eight pounds lawful money, as witness my hand. 

Bureau, mahogany table, six mahogany chairs omitted. 

Henry Atkins. 

My trouble from the conduct of the Court has been very great, 
on the above occasion, and never thanked for it, though at the 
same time recommended by the selectmen of Provincetown, as 
follows : — 

These are to certify that Jolley Allen hath suffered a very heavy loss in 
being cast on shore, in his house-furniture being stove, damaged, and de- 
stroyed, and his papers it is presumed were all lost with his books and 
accounts, and a very large quantity of china, glass, and other ware destroyed 
in the vessel. His charges here hath unavoidably arisen to a large sum on 
what little he saved out of the whole, which charges he hath paid with honor 
by the sale of his effects, in which sale he hath done the most he could to 
save the remainder, to whom it shall be ordered by the General Court. 

Nehemiah Nickebson, ) Selectmen of 
Solomon Cook, ) Provincetown. 

Pbovihcetown, Oct. 9, 1776. 

If my effects was but little, how came they to charge One Hun- 
dred and Fifty Pounds sterling for unloading and storing the same ? 
I and my daughter went in the vessel with the remainder of my 
effects. I was very soiTy we did not meet with some English man- 
of-war to carry us into some other Port, for had there been but ever 
so little it would have been of service to me. But though the mobs 
at several times had stolen so much, and those sold at Cape Cod 
to so great a disadvantage, there was a gi'cat quantity left. But 
unfortunatel}^ for us we got safe to Boston, and I waited on Messrs. 
Wendell and Pitts, and gave them the BiU of lading, and a copy 
of every one's name and where they lived that bought any of my 
effects at Cape Cod ; also what they gave for them. Mr. Wendell 
and Mr. Pitts both agreed that my Effects should be put into Mr. 
Wendell's store, and the vessel was ordered round to his Wharf, 



37 

and I was desired to see the vessel unloaded, and likewise to see 
them safe stored, and make out a just account and give them, 
which I did ; and, when done, I waited on Mr. Wendell with the 
account. He asked me if every thing was stored. I told hmi it 
was, only a crimson silk Curtain in which I put all my plate and 
the plate I had by me belonging to the late Mrs. Vintino (I have 
before mentioned). He answered me : " How can I give a true 
return to the General Court of your fidelity, if you do not let me 
have all the plate? " I replied, I thought my lodgings a fitter place 
than his warehouse to keep the plate. He answered, he thought 
his house a fitter place, and ordered me to bring it there the next 
morning, saying, " Mr. Allen, if I had ever such a mind to sen^e 
you, I could not ; how can I make a proper return of all your effects 
delivered to me? I can only say you have delivered to me all the 
remainder of your effects except one silk curtain and your plate. 
I make not the least doubt in life," added he, " but what you will 
have all your effects returned to you, and that immediately by our 
General Court, on my making your return to them with the charac- 
ter the Selectmen of Provincetown has given of you to me, which I 
shall lay before the General Court in your behalf." Upon which, 
I delivered the silk Curtain and all my plate I was possessed of, 
the next morning, to Mr. Wendell and Mr. Pitts, two famous Se- 
lectmen, who call themselves honest men of the town of Boston, 
which promised to do every thing in their power to serve me. But 
I never heard from them afterwards : it plainly appeared they 
meant to serve themselves, and not me, for when I left the Plate in 
their hands they ordered me immediately to my confinement, and 
not to be within forty miles of any seaport, this 27th of October, 
1776, which is thirty-three days from the time I left Shrewsbury to 
the time I returned ; and there I remained, as much insulted as 
before, playing at bo-peep with them, as they watched me very nar- 
rowly. I often baffled them, for sometimes I would stay in the 
house for a week, and make my appearance again ; sometimes a 
fortnight and three weeks, and once I confined myself for a month, 
and then made my appearance. During this space, I used to keep 
myself close in the house, they used to be upon the watch, and 
often would say I was gone ; and when I did appear, to the great 
surprise and astonishment, was insulted in such a manner that my 
life was in danger. The reason of my confining myself was that, 
when I should be so fortunate as to make my escape, they should 



38 ^ 

not suspect me. In this manner I continued from tlie 28th day 
of March, 1776, I fell a sacrifice amongst them, to the 8th day of 
February, 1777, — I think to the best of my knowledge is three 
hundred and seventeen days. 

And then kind goodness appeared to me, by three friends of 
government, that lived eighty miles' distance, hearing how 
barbarously I had been treated, and how \'iolently used by the 
Americans, came to my relief at the hazard of their lives and 
fortunes, which they was determined to effect that I might not 
suffer any longer amongst them, in which through God's good- 
ness they succeeded, and brought me away triumphant with them 
about the hour of one o'clock in the morning.* And we arrived 
at New London about two o'clock the next day, eight}' miles from 
the place of my confinement ; and about two o'clock the next morn- 
ing, being Mondaj^ the 10th of February, I went on board the 
Amazon frigate of thirty- two guns, commanded by Captain Jacob- 
son, who generously received me at that hour in the night, and 
took me in his own apartments and loaded me with kindnesses, as 
much as could be, as a friend of government. I continued with 
him until the Thursday following. I applied to him to be landed : 
he ordered his boat out with reluctance, and begged to keep me 
on board to carry me safe himself to New York, for fear I should 
fall into the hands of the Americans again ; but I being desirous 
of getting there, and he not knowing the exact time of his going, 
granted my request and brought the King's Frigate under sail to 
see me safe landed, for if any of the American boats, of which 
there was several in sight, should offer to come after me, he would 
have sunk them. He was induced to this from motives of human- 
ity, as my sufferings had been so great, for which kindness I can 
never sufficiently thank him, but shall always remember his name 
with the greatest gratitude. And after I was landed I had one 
hundred and twenty miles to go to New York. I was in imminent 
danger all the way of being taken, but through the mercy of God I 
escaped, and arrived at New York safe of Monday following, the 
17th day of February, about sunset, and waited on Sir William 

* Mr. Allen's nephew, Thomas Allen, Jr., by request of his friends, took 
him in a chaise from Shrewsbury to New London : there his friends, Capt. 
Pardon Tillinghast Taber, Capt Thomas Wilson, and Samuel Taber, carried 
him in a small boat to the frigate Amazon, lying off Fishers' Island, and com- 
manded by Capt. Jacobson, who took him to New York. His friends were 
recognized on their way from the ship, and imprisoned. F. M. S. 



39 

Howe immediatelj", and he desired me to wait of his brother, Lord 
Howe ; and, when I came to his Lordship, found the General there 
before me. I told his Lordship and the General part of my diffi- 
culties, and I hearing there was a fleet bound to England, I begged 
his Lordship would give me a passage in the said fleet, which his 
Lordship readil}^ granted, and ordered a pass for me to go on board 
a brig Two Hundred and Eighty tons, commanded by Captain 
Montgomery, as I had not money to pay my passage, nor even to 
lay in any stores for m3^self. After I received Lord and General 
Howe's directions for my pass, was obliged to call Captain Bow- 
master out of bed, as the fleet was getting under sail, as he was 
appointed to make out passes, and I was near losing my passage. 
I was obliged to give half a Guinea for a boat, and the}" put me on 
board the wrong vessel, which I went aboard of the 18th of Febru- 
ary. But, lying at Sand}^ Hook one day, I was desirous to go on 
board a ship-of-war which I was informed that General Robinson 
was in, whom I well knew for many years. The captain ordered 
his boat out, and went with me. When I came on board. General 
Robinson received me very kindly, and expressed great concern 
for my losses, which he well knew. On the 19th day of February, 
we sailed from Sandy Hook, and arrived in England the 19th day 
of March following, and arrived in London the next day, the 20th 
March, 1777, and the first inquiry I made was after my wife's sister, 
Mrs. Lewington, and to my great grief found her doubty chained 
down, raving mad, in Bedlam ; she thinking m^'self, wife, and seven 
children had all fell a sacrifice to the barbarity of the Americans. 
I thought to have lived comfortable during my stay in England 
with her ; but I thank God she is now out of Bedlam, and much 
better than could be expected. 

The next day I applied to Messrs. Harrison and Ansley, No. 50 
Bread Street, Cheapside, London, who I at the beginning of the 
troubles in America, I had sent from Boston two hundred and 
thirty pounds sterling in bills of exchange, and desired them to 
put the money out at interest upon good security for my use, think- 
ing it might some time or other be of service to my family, little 
expecting^ at that time that I should ever come to London again 
myself. But, to add grief to my sorrow, I found not one shilling 
of the money paid to them ; but the bills lay in their hands all 
protested, which bills I have now by me. I being so long out of 
Loudon, I was almost as great a stranger, though born and 



40 

brought up in it, as those that had never seen the place. Having 
been out of it twenty-two years, most of my friends and acquaint- 
ance was dead and gone away ; my distress was so great that it 
ahnost overcame me, and had I not a gone to the New England 
Coffee House, where I saw many Boston and New England gentle- 
men, I know not what would have become of me. By seeing of 
them revived my drooping spirits, and finding mj'self deprived 
of this money in London, as I thought to have received to have 
helped to relieve myself and children, I did not know what to do. 

Necessity obliged me to apply to kind government ; and, on 
Wednesday, the 26th of March, 1777, I went to wait on the Right 
Honorable Lord George Germain, and present to him a memorial. 
It not being levee day, Mr. Cumberland, his Lordship's secretary, 
behaved to me verj^ genteelly, and told me to come early the next 
day ; he expressed a very great concern for my troubles, and intro- 
duced me to several gentlemen of his acquaintance, and offered at 
the same time to do me all the service that lay in his power ; of 
which kindness I shall never forget, and I pra^- to God that he 
may be rewarded for the same, as his humane and friendly offers 
greatly relieved my troubled and afflicted mind at that time. 

The next day, Thursday the 27th March, about one o'clock, I 
was introduced to the Right Honorable Lord George Germain, 
who very graciouslj^ received me at his Levy, and did me the honor 
to cause me to sit down by him. Mr. Cumberland then presented 
my memorial to his Lordship, who likewise received it as kindly as 
he did myself, and returned it to his secretary, and ordered him to 
read it. And his Lordship heard it throughout very patiently, 
and afterwards his Lordship asked me a great many questions 
relating to my sufferings, «&;c., all which I answered. But his 
Lordship has never been acquainted with very few of my difficul- 
ties, but upon the mentioning those few (with the blessing of God, 
and the tender simpathizing feelings of his Lordship for those in 
distress, which is well known is his Lordship's characteristic by 
those who have the honor of being known to him) , my troubled 
and afflicted heart was soon alle\'iated and eased by his Lordship 
gracious^ condescending to sa}' to me he would take care of me. 
And a short time after I was ordered to wait of Mr. Row, at the 
King's treasmy, who gave me an order on the Bank ; and from 
this place' I receive m}^ daily bread once a quarter, or else I must 
have perished in London ; for which great kindness and attention 



41 

in Ms Lordship to me, I shall always remember with the utmost 
gratitude, and that his Lordship may enjoy every blessing this 
life can afford, and a crown of glory after his leaving this trouble- 
some world, is and ever will be the ardent prayer of his most 
grateful humble servant, 

JoLLEY Allen. 

I shall with the greatest gratitude ever pray for the prosperity 
and welfare of my good King and native country', and I hope to 
live to see the time that this my native country will be triumphant 
over all her enemies. 

But for fear death should come upon me, being now in the sixty- 
fourth year of my age, and having six poor children now living in 
America, I fear in great distress, which could I by any means get 
them over to England, would have this my case printed and made 
as public as possible, to show the depravity of nature, and how 
cruel mankind can be to their fellow-creature when divested of 
parental affection and true religion, which is the case of the 
Americans at this time. 

I have likewise seen General Eobinson (now Governor of New 
York) since I came to England, and he has expressed the warmest 
friendship for me, and assured me he would use all his interest in 
his power for me when opportunity served, and gave me leave to 
make use of his name on all or every occasion that might offer or 
likely to be of use to me, for which kindness I shaU always retain 
the most grateful remembrance. 

My case is different from a great many : I have neither houses 
nor lands in America, if even the times were settled ; I have sacri- 
ficed my all for the good of the English nation (all for my good 
King and Native country, whom I pray God may always triumph 
over all her enemies), and this will very plainly appear to my 
executors after my death, which I desire may be printed and made 
known to the world. I should have done it long ago, as I said 
before, only for my poor children, which I fear is wanting bread 
in America. If I should not live to see the times settled, I leave 
it to my executors to publish the whole or any part of my writings 
that is most agreeable to them. 

I desire and beg some able penman will take up my hard case 
after my death to state my great troubles properly to the world for 
my six poor children, both fatherless, motherless, and friendless, 



42 

wlio has lost their all in the above glorious cause, -which I hope 
kind Providence will protect and bring them through this trouble- 
some world. Those six children never knew what it was to be 
cold or hungrj" before those troubles came on in Boston, but always 
had a plenty of every thing, which is well known to all the inhab- 
itants of Boston. 



APPENDIX. 



RECORD OF THE FAMILY OF ALLEN. 

The Allen Coat of Arms, engi\avecl on a Silver Tankard. Per 
bend rompu, six Martletts counterchanged on the Shield. The 
Crest is an Eagle, with the wings elevated. The Tankard is 
massive, and very beautifully engraved, and is now owned by a 
gi-eat-great-grandchild of Captain Nathaniel Allen, who was com- 
mander of a Packet-Ship which sailed between London and Boston. 

All the articles for his Table, on board his Ship (that could con- 
veniently be so), were of solid Silver, such as Gravy-Boats, Cans 
(instead of Tumblers) , Poringers, Tea-Pot, Sugar Dish, Cream- 
Pitcher, Pepper Box, Punch Ladle, Silver Knives and Forks, 
Spoons, &c. Many of these articles are still in the family. There 
is a "Damask Table Cloth" now owned by one of his great- 
great-grandchildren, off from which King George II. and his 
suite dined, by invitation from Capt. Allen, on board his Ship. 
He was married in London when very young; had two sons, 
Nathaniel and Jolley ; his wife died, and he married Dorcas 
Bowes of London ; they had twelve children ; two sons, Thomas 
and Samuel, were born in London, and came to Boston, New 
England, with their parents, in 1734 or 1735. 

On the Kecords of Christ Church, Boston, there is recorded the 
Baptisms of ten, of Nathaniel, and Dorcas Allen's chUdren, and the 
deaths of five. William, Baptized July 13th, 1735, was married to 
Rebecca Delap, May 1st, 1760 : they had children ; one son was a 
Lieutenant in the Brittish Navy in 1781, and was on board the 
Ship Namur with his Father, who left the Navy, and was residing 
in London, August 10th, 1786. Henry Jolley, Baptized May 1st, 
1737, Died August 31st, 1739. Lewis, Baptized at his Father's, 
August 19th, 1739, Died Aug. 31st, 1739. Richard, Baptized 
November 16th, 1740, Died February 6th, 1741. Elizabeth, Bap- 



44 

tizecl November 8, 1841, Died August 22nd, 1742, A Son, name 
not given, Baptized Feby 6th, 1743, Died Sept. 21st, 1743. Na- 
thaniel, Baptized Dec. 9tli, 1744, I cannot trace; neither Sarah, 
Baptized October 27th, 1745 ; think they must have died in Shrews- 
bury, Mass. 

Lewis, Baptized September 29th, 1747, married, in 1770, Mary 
Adams of Worcester ; no children. In March, 1778, he bought an 
Estate in Leicester, Mass., of Joseph Henshaw of Boston. He 
had 136 Acres of Land, including some adjacent Laud, which he 
had previously owned. He paid two thousand five hundred pounds 
sterling for it all. The Mansion House upon it was built by Mr. 
Henshaw, in 1771, of materials brought from Boston; is now 
standing. Mr. Allen named the place "The Mount Pleasant 
Estate," and kept it in fine repair. There was a small Maple 
Grove on the place : in that, he, at his request, was buried. The 
Lot was reserved when the Estate was sold in 1783. He died 
Nov. 7th, 1782 ; and, in Washburn's History of Leicester, Lewis 
Allen is spoken of as a loss to his friends and the Public. 

Caleb was Baptized at home, May 8, 1749 ; he married Eliza- 
beth Davis of Norwich, Conn. ; no children. He died in Provi- 
dence, Rhode Island, 1774. 

Nathaniel, eldest son of Capt. Nathaniel Allen, is mentioned in 
both his Father's and Step Mother's wills. There is no evidence 
that he ever came to America. 

Jolley, second son of Capt. Nathaniel Allen, came to Boston in 
1754 or 1755, with his wife (whose maiden name was Eleanor 
Warren) , by whom, he says in his manuscript, he had seventeen 
children that lived to be Christened. 

I only find a Record of nine Births at City Hall, and of but eight 
Baptisms at King's Chapel : one was private. The seven Baptized 
in the Church, each had three Sponsors. The names of his chil- 
dren were, Jolley, Baptized Easter Day, April 10th, 1757, Died 
Sept. 18th, 1776. Eleanor, born Dec. 1st, was Baptized Dec. 10th, 
1758 : she was engaged to Pardon Tillinghast Taber, but died with 
quick consumption (just before they were to have been married) 
at her cousin Thomas Allen, Jr.'s, in 1780. Mr. Taber was the 
only brother of Mr. Allen's wife. 

Henry Warren, born May 11th, was Baptized May 23d, 1760, 
and Died August 24th, 1762. Johanna, born August 12th, 1762, 
was Baptized August 22nd, 1762, Died March 22nd, 1765. They 



45 

were Buried in the Family Tomb under King's Chapel. Ann, born 
March 19th, Baptized March 31st, 1765, Died at her cousin Thomas 
Allen's in 1782, with consumption. Jolley, born December 22nd, 
1766, was Baptized January 9th, 1767. He lived some 3^ears (after 
his Father went back to London) with his cousin Thomas Allen, 
on the Mount Pleasant Estate, then went to sea ; he married while 
abroad ; was in London in 1786. 

Jolley, son of Jolley and Eleanor Allen, went in 1800 to New 
London, Connecticut, with his wife, and daughter Mary, aged four 
years. They kept house in that City for some time, then removed 
to New York, where they had other children. He went to Sea, 
and we have not heard from him since. Of Sarah, born Oct. 15, 
1769, there is no Record of Baptism. She married-Hurlbut.Na- 
thaniel, son of Jolle}' and Eleanor ; was Baptized in private, Oct. 
28th, 1770 ; lived with his cousin Thomas Allen, Jr., from 1778 until 
he chose to be a mariner. In a letter to his cousin, from England, 
in 1800, he said he was soon to leave for the West-Indies ; that 
he owned both Ship and Cargo. That was the last information 
received from him. 

Charlotte was Baptized May 13th, 1772, in King's-Chapel, where 
her Father, Jolley Allen, owned Pew No. 54 : that is the only trace 
of Charlotte I can find. 

Thomas Aliened, son of Nathaniel, and oldest son of Nathaniel 
and Dorcas Allen, was born in London, England, Sept. 19th, 1728, 
and came to Boston with his parents. Between 1749 and 1752 he 
probably spent some time in the Island of Maderia, where, it is said, 
he made a large fortune. On his return he settled in New London, 
Conn. ; and on Oct. 29th, 1753, he married Elizabeth (Christo- 
phers), widow of John Shackmaple, Jr. Her Father was Richard 
Saltonstall, a prominent man, and a Judge of the Superior Court 
in 1711 : her Mother was the oldest daughter of Governor Gurdon 
and his wife Jerusha (Richards) Saltonstall. Thomas and Eliza- 
beth Allen had but one child, Thomas, born Sept. 10th, 1755 ; was 
Baptized in St. James Church. Thomas Allen, senior, was a 
Merchant on Main Street, N. L., near the Ferry Wharf, and was 
also engaged in Commerce ; owning 16 sail of Vessels. He kept 
the first Marine List in New London, commencing in 1770, and 
ending with his death, Nov. 19, 1793. He was voted into the 
Boston Marine Society" as a Marine Member, March 4th, 1760 ; Paid 
4 lbs 10 shillings 0. for his Certificate of Membership. Rev. R. A. 



46 

Hallam, D.D., in liis Annals Q0^t. James, New London, saj's, 
Thomas Allen was a man of substance and extensive business, and 
for a long time a foremost man in the Episcopal Church ; was a 
Warden eleven years. He died Nov. 19th, 1793. 

Samuel. 2nd, son of Nathaniel and Dorcas Allen, was born in 
England; married Elizabeth f- they had four children, — Samuel, 
born April 28th, 1754 ; James; Nathaniel; and Elizabeth, who was 
born in 1760. Samuel, Senior, died in 17G0 at New Providence, 
Bahama Islands. He was a Merchant. 

Thomas Allen, Jr., son of Thomas and Elizabeth (Christophers) 
Allen, was married, by Rev. Mathew Graves, to Amelia, daughter 
of Pardon and Elizabeth (Harris) Taber, April 23d, 1878. After 
their marriage the}' lived on his Farm, which he named Mount 
Pleasant, in New London (Great Neck). In 1793 removed with 
his wife and seven children to Fishers Island, which was nine miles 
in length, and contained five thousand Acres of Land. Mr. Allen 
hired it of Francis Ba^' Winthrop, for twenty-six hundred Dollars 
per year. There were 12 families who were his Tenants. He 
emploj'ed five or six girls to Spin and weave, and had Dairy 
women at each end of the Island. They made two sixty pound 
Cheeses daily, also Butter. He kept one hundred Cows, two 
thousand Sheep, also raised Horses and Mules. Raised Wheat, 
oats, &c. Mr. Allen hired Mr. Westcote, who was both Chaplain 
and Teacher for the children of his Tenants and his younger ones. 
His older children were sent to boarding School. He resided 19 
years upon the Island, and entertained a great many. He owned 
a Sloop named Betsey, in which he carried his friends to and 
from New London and Stonington. In 1812 he purchased the 
Nightingale Farms in Pomfret, Conn. : one contained 520 and the 
other 280 Acres of Land. In 1828 he was one of a committee 
who hired Rev. E. B. Kellogg to officiate in Pomfret, Conn. A 
parish was organized ; and Thomas Allen, Jr., was appointed 
first wai'den, which office he held till his death, 1844, or, rather, 
till disabled by disease. Christ Church, Pomfret, was built in 
1829 ; and he gave the lumber for it : he and his famil}^ were 
among the active workers in that church until 1845, when they 
removed to Boston. 

Thomas Allen, Jr., sold his large Farm, and moved to the small 
one in 1829; there his wife died, Jan}' 14th, 1838; and he died 
May 16th, 1842. Thomas and Amelia had nine sons and three 



47 

daughters. Elizabeth, born Nov. 20th, 1779, died June 13th, 1863. 
Thomas, born June 18, 1781, married Eunice, daughter of Caleb 
Johnson, Oct. 16, 1804. They had three sons and three daughters. 
He died May 22nd, 1817, in New London; and his wife died in 
Buffalo, N.Y., June 18, 1861. The 3d child of Thomas and 
Amelia was Lewis, born May 2nd, 1-783 ; married, Sept. 18, 1805, 
Mary Denison, daughter of Denison and Waty (Burrows) Smith. 
They had three sons and seven daughters. He died May 3d, 1844 : 
his wife died Oct. 21st, 1854. 

William, son of Thomas and Amelia, born March 13th, 1785, 
was married by Rev. Daniel Fogg in Trinity Church, Brookl}^!, 
Conn., Jany 18th, 1815, to Emily, daughter of John Wilks and 
Mary Chandler. He died March 20th, 1833 : his wife died April 
26th, 1882. They had five sons and five daughters : one son died 
in infancy. 

Frances Taber, daughter of Thomas and Amelia Allen, born 
March 21st, 1787, was married in St. James Church, New London, 
by Rev. Solomon Blakesley, to Jesse Denison Smith, son of Col. 
Oliver and Mary (Denison) Smith, July 26, 1815. They had one 
child, Frances Mary, born July 30th, 1816. Jesse D. Smith was 
drowned Nov. 4th, 1817, off the Azores, or Western Isles. His 
wife died March 14th, 1877. 

Samuel, son of Thomas and Amelia, born Oct. 11, 1789, died 
Nov. 8, 1806. 

Nathaniel, son of Thomas and Amelia, born June 23d, 1791, 
graduated at Yale College, Sept. 11th, 1812. He married, in 
Claiborne, Alabama, Martha Helen Foster. He died August 
5th, 1822 : his widow married Edward L. Smith. She died May 
15th, 1857. 

George, son of Thomas and Amelia, born Sept. 21st, 1793, mar- 
ried Sarah, daughter of Nicodemas and Mary (Thomas) Burch, 
March 19, 1837. They had four children : their only son died 
Feby 22nd, 1845. George Allen died Dec. 22, 1844. 

Amelia, daughter of Thomas and Amelia, born July 10, 1795, 
died June 23d, 1852. John, born May 18, 1797, married Lucy 
Johnson, Oct. 18, 1818. They had four children. In 1824 he 
went on a Sealing- Voyage (for his health) with his brother-in-law, 
Capt. Robert Johnson, to the Antarctic Ocean. Neither Capt., 
Passengers, Crew, or Vessel have ever been heard from. Their 
only son, John Wolcott, was a Cavalry Ofl3cer in the Union 



48 

Army, and was shot vi0k acting as a scout in Iowa. He left 
two sons. 

Henry Nelson, son of Thomas and Amelia, born May 27, 1799, 
married Jane Cellina Foster, Dec. 10th, 1824. They had one son 
and one daughter : the son died in infancy. 

Pardon, 12 child of Thomas and Amelia Allen, born July 12th, 
died July 16, 1802. 

Caleb (son of Thomas and Eunice Allen) married and settled 
in New London in 1831. In 1836 he was chosen Alderman. In 
1837 he was elected State Senator from the seventh District of 
his native state. From 1838 to 1841 he was Post-Master. In 
1841 he was elected Maj'or of New London, and held the office 
until 1843, when he resigned, to move with his family to Western 
New York. He died in Sinclairville, N.Y., May 4, 1876. 

Lewis Denison, Frederick Lee, and Thomas H. C. Allen were 
sons of Lewis and Mary Denison Allen. 

Frederick Lee was born May 20th, 1820 ; was a Druggist in New 
London ; he married Waitstill Lippett, June 4th, 1849. He was 
Ma3'or of that City from 1862 to 1871 : he was also a member of 
the Legislature in 1867 and 1868. In 1871 he was State Senator. 
He died Feby 25th, 1872. 

Boston, Mass., April, 1883. 

[" The Boston Evening Post," March 2d, 1767.] 

Just imported from London, by Jolley Allen, at his Shop about midway 
between the Governors and the Town House, and almost opposite the 
Heart and Crown, in Cornhill, Boston, A very large assortment of Eng- 
lish and India goods, fit for all seasons; too many to enumerate sepe- 
rately in an Advertisement. Superfine Serges, of most colours, at 36 
shillings (O. T.) per single yard, and cheaper by large quantities. Sil- 
ver Ribbons, very genteel, at 7 shillings, 6 pence (Old Tenor) per single 
yard. Women's Lynn made Calimanco Shoes, at 30 Shillings (O. T.) 
per pair. A good assortment of Irish Linens, to be sold at a very low 
rate ; and all the above mentioned assortment of English and India goods, 
he is determined to sell at as low a rate as is in his power, to make room 
for a very large assortment of English Goods, that is to come in the first 
Ship that sails from London to Boston in the Spring ; which goods, he is 
convinced, will come so low charged to him, as that he will be able to 
sell, in the Wholesale or Retail way, as cheap, if not cheaper, than can be 
bought at any Store or Shop in Town. |@^ The following ready made 
Cloaths to be sold by Wholesale or Retail. Viz. Coats, Silk Jackets, 



49 



Shapes, and Cloth Ditto. Stocking Breeches of all sizes, and most 
colours; Cotton Velvet, Cloth, Thickset, Duroy, Everlasting, and Plush 
Breeches; Sailors' great Coats, and outside and inside Jackets; check 
Shirts, Frocks, and long, wide Trowsers. Scotch Bonnets, and blue 
milled Stockings. All the above Cloaths will be sold at a very low rate, as 
said Allen is going to quit that branch of Business. If any person in- 
clines to purchase the whole or part of the above cloathes, they may 
find it greatly to their advantage. English, European, or West India 
Goods wiU suit for pay. ^^ |@=* He deals for Cash only, except for the 
above articles of C loathing. 

Choice London Bohea Tea, by the Chest, Hundred, Dozen, or half 
Dozen, at the lowest prices, with great encouragement to Retailers, at 
34 shillings (O. T.) by the single pound, 17 shillings half pound, and 
8 shil. and 6 pence the quarter pound. Also choice French Indigo, 
by large or small quantities. The above Tea and Indigo are warranted 
of the best kind: if they prove otherwise, will be taken back, and the 
money returned by the said 

JOLLKY AXLEN. 

He has likewise the best of No. 4 Pins, at 3 pounds, 17 shillings, per 
Dozen. 



[" Boston Gazette," Sept. 24, 1767.] 

NOW READY FOR SALE AT THE MOST REASONABLE RATE 

BY 

JOLLEY ALLEN, 

AT mS SHOP, ALMOST OPPOSITE THE HEART AND CROWN, m CORNHILL, 

BOSTON. 



Superfine, middling, and low- 
prized Broad Cloths, such as scarlet 
crimson, black, claret. Blue, and 
cloth-coloured, some of the cloth- 
coloured as low as 33 shOlings (Old 
Tenor) per yard. Superfine, mid- 
dling, and low prized Kerseys of 
various colours ; with a large assort- 
ment of plain Krapt Beaver coating, 
bath Beavers, and coat bindings. 
Superfine London and German 
Serges of most colours at 36 shillings 
(O. T.) per yard, and some at 33 shil- 
lings. Bearskins of different colours. 
Red and blue Diffles and Shags, 



plain and silk sagathy's and duroys 
of the newest and most fashionable 
colours, very cheap. Neat Damas- 
cus Nankeens for Men's Jackets. 
Black, and cloth coloured, cotton 
Velvets. Men's and women's black 
silk Velvets. Rich black Satin's for 
Men's Jackets, and White ditto. 
Worsted Plush and Hair Shag of dif- 
ferent colours. Velvet Shapes for 
Jackets, plain and figured, everlast- 
ing, and Draw boys. Thickset and 
Fustians of all colovirs and prices, 
with black, scarlet, and crimson 
worsted Thicksets. London and 



f60 



Bristol shalloons, tammies, durants, 
and calimancos of all colours and 
prices. Blue, green, and cloth-col- 
oured half Thicksets. Scarlet, crim- 
son, pink, red, and green Baizes, of 
a yard and two yards wide, and 
Flannels. Striped and plain Swan- 
skins of all prices. Osnabirgs, 
ticklinburgs, and dowlass Blankets 
of aU sorts. Men's, women's, and 
children's cotton, thread, and wor- 
sted hose. Men's yarn Stockings. 
Single and double cotton Kilmarnock 
Caps, scarlet, crimson, and striped 
worsted Caps. Bucki'am and stay 
trimmings of all sorts. Coloured 
thread of all kinds. Best silk 
twist. Silk and Hair. Mohair, and 
sewing sUks of all colours. Best 
double washed Buttons, some of 
them new fashioned ; white and yel- 
low, common, ditto. Death-head, 
basket, needle-worked, horn, and 
horse-hair Buttons of all colours. 
Horn and ivory Combs, Penknives, 
Razors, Scissors, thimbles. Ink-pots, 
Shoe, knee, and stock-Buckles, Muff 
Boxes, Sleeve Buttons, pins and 
needles of all sorts, writing paper, 
quills. Ink powder. Sealing-wax, and 
wafers. Wide and narrow lute- 
strings, very good, which will be 
sold at a low rate. Light and dark 
ground calicoes and patches, some 
very low prized. Men's sUk Caps. 
Striped Cottons and bengals. Half 
yard and yard wide poplins and 
crapes. Worsted Damask grograms 
and brolioes. Best Camlets, double 
and twisted both ways, low prized. 
Yard wide stuffs. Green, cloth- 
colour'd, and striped bambleteens. 
Yellow canvass, and marking ditto, 
with crewels, and worsteds of all 
shades and colours. English and 



Scotch bed-ticks and plaids. White, 
figured, and plain fustians and dim- 
othy, f and | and yard wide garlix. 
Large assortment of Manchester and 
Scotch checks, some apron width. 
A large assortment of Irish Linen, 
all widths and prices. Men's long 
black sUk handkerchiefs. Linen 
and cotton handkerchiefs, some 
very large. Knit Patterns for Jack- 
ets and breeches. Silk knee straps. 
Long silk and worsted money 
Purses. Diaper, Russia Linen, and 
table cloths. All sorts of garlix, and 
cambric, thread, &c. A large assort- 
ment of silver and other Ribbons, 
low priced, with necklaces. Ear- 
rings, and pendants. Head flowers 
and breast flowers and soliteers. 
Rich crimson, green, white, blue, 
and black sprigged satins and sar- 
cenets, to be sold near the sterling 
cost. A large assortment of Capu- 
sliire silks, of the above colours, and 
some black, as low as 30 shil.(0. T.) 
per yard. Large and small Roman 
handkerchiefs, and Barcelona Hand- 
kerchiefs, by the dozen, or single. 
Plain and flowered gauze Handker- 
chiefs. A large and fresh assortment 
of cloth- coloured trimmings for La- 
dies' Gowns and Sacks. Wide and 
narrow common persians, black, 
white, pink, blue, and crimson 
ditto. Pealing Satins of various 
colours. English and India, black 
and coloured, Taffeties. Taffety 
Persians and plain persians. Snail 
lace, and gimp of all colours. Wo- 
men's silk gloves and mitts, some 
extraordinarily good. Men, wo- 
men, and children's worsted, kid, 
and Lamb gloves and mitts. White 
and black, blond, trolly, and bone 
and lappet, Lace. Scarlet and white. 



51 



blue and white, and crimson and 
white, Lace. Plain and flowered 
Gauze. Paris net and catgut. 
Leather Mount, ivory stick, paddle 
stick, and bone stick Fans. Chil- 
dren's ditto. A large assortment of 
cambric and Lawn ; some yard wide 
and flowered Lawns. Broad and 
narrow binding, linen and diaper 
tape. Silk, cotton, and thread 
laces, and silk ferrets. A large 
assortment calimancoes, half yard 
and half quarter wide ; very good 



at 12 shillings (O. T.) a yard. Wo- 
men's English flowered and plain 
russet Shoes, of several colours, 
and very good, at a dollar a pair. 
Women's Lynn made callimanco 
shoes, at 32 shil. 6 pence, and 
some at 30 shillings (O. T.), a pair. 
Children's best made English Mor- 
rocco leather Pumps. Women's 
English everlasting Shoes. Women's 
black and .coloured hats and bon- 
nets. Women's Chip hats and 
Bonnets, &c., &c. 



LIKEWISE 

Mace, Cinnamon, Cloves, Nutmegs, Allspice, Race, and ground Ginger, 
Pepper, Chocolate, Coffee, Rice, Raisins, Currants, and best English 
Mustard. English loaf Sugar, by the hundred, or single loaf, at 7 shillings 
(O. T.) by the single pound, and cheaper by the quantity. Very good loaf 
Sugar, made here, by the hundred, or single loaf, at six shillings, 6 pence 
per single pound, and cheaper by the quantity. 

1®=" Choice Jamaica, and other brown Sugars, by the Barrel, Hundred, 
or smaller quantity, some as low as 3 shil. per single pound, and cheaper 
by the quantity. 

INDIA CHINA. 

Neat blue and white China, long Dishes, various sizes, enamelled 
Plates. Blue and white ditto, enamelled Punch Bowls, blue and white 
ditto of various sizes. Enamelled Cups and Saucers, burnt in, ditto with 
blue and white China Cups and Saucers. Glass, Delph, and Stone Ware, 
both flowered and plain. Such as Decanters, Wine Glasses, Beakers, 
Cruets, Saltcellars, Stone-Plates, Cups and Saucers, Cream-Pots, Tea 
Pots, Bowls, Mugs, Pickle-Pots, &c., by the crate, or smaller quantities. 

'^^ Cotton Wool, very good and very cheap. Kippen's and Tillock's 
Snuff. Hard Soap. The best of Poland and common Starch, by the 
Barrel, Himdred, Dozen, and single poimd. Choice French Indigo by 
the large or small quantities. 

Excellent London Bohea Tea. By the Chest, Hundred, Dozen, or half 
dozen, or by the single pound, half pound, and quarter pound, cheap. 

g@= The above Tea is warranted of the best kind, and if it proves 
otherwise, after trying it, will be taken back, and the money returned, by 
the said 

JoLLEY Allen. 

N.B. Tea and Indigo are articles I am never out of. 

1^ My Town and country Customers may depend upon my being sup- 



^2 

plied with all the above Articles the year round, by Wholesale and 
Retail, and as cheap in proportion as those which have the prices fixed 
to them, as I deal for Cash only. 

All this is only a single advertisement. I copied it from " The 
Boston Gazette." 






ERRATA. 



Page 45. — Thirteenth line should read. . . . She married 

Ilurlbut. Nathaniel, son of Jolle}- and Eleanor, etc. 

Twenty-third line should read, Thomas Allen, third 
son of Nathaniel, etc. 

Page 46. — Fifth line should read, Samuel, second son of 
Nathaniel and Dorcas Allen, was born in England ; married 
Elizabeth ; they had four children, etc. 



Page 47. — Tenth line from bottom, for 
" Homan." 



Thomas" read 



